INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE n°160310 - Page 1 - 2 | THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES . . . . page two Printed in ATHENS | BALI | BEIRUT | BELGIUM | BIRATNAGAR | DHAKA | DOHA | DUBAI | FINLAND | FRANKFURT | GALLARGUES | HONG KONG | ISLAMABAD | ISTANBUL | JAKARTA | KARACHI | KATHMANDU | KUALA LUMPUR | LAHORE | LONDON | MADRID | MALTA | MANILA | MILAN | NEPALGUNJ NAGOYA | OSAKA | PARIS | SEOUL | SINGAPORE | SYDNEY | TAIPEI | TEL AVIV | TOKYO | U.S. | YANGON • Subscription Inquiries: Europe 00 800 44 48 78 27 (toll-free) Other countries +33 1 41 43 93 61; E-mail inytsubs@nytimes.com; Fax +33 1 41 43 92 10 Advertising Inquiries: +33 1 41 43 92 06; Fax +33 1 41 43 92 12 • Printer: Paris Offset Print, 30, rue Raspail, 93120 La Courneuve. Fathered Viacom,’’ with Lee Roderick. Other liabilities included a team of mostly castoff executives, ‘‘including an alcoholic in a key position,’’ an outside law firm ‘‘in which I had no confidence,’’ and an expensive lawsuit that threatened to derail the entire spinoff. Mr. Baruch set about buying radio and television stations and cable systems. He started Showtime and the Cable Health Network (now Lifetime) and began producing and distributing television programs. In 1985, two years after he took the title of chairman, he and Terrence A. Elkes, Viacom’s president and new chief executive, acquired Warner-Amex Satellite Entertainment and, with it, MTV, Nickelodeon, the Movie Channel and VH1. The deal completed Viacom’s transformation into a diversified communications and entertainment powerhouse. In 1987, Sumner M. Redstone paid $3.4 billion for it. Rudolph Maximilian Baruch was born on Aug. 5, 1923, in Frankfurt, where his French-born father, Bernard, practiced international law. During a 1932 trial, a Nazi storm trooper pushed his way into the courtroom whereMr.BaruchwasdefendingaSocial BY WILLIAM GRIMES Ralph M. Baruch, a refugee from Nazi Germany who turned Viacom, a small cableandsyndicationcompanythatCBS spun off in 1971, into a communications and entertainment giant, died on March 3 at his home in Manhattan. He was 92. His death was confirmed by his daughter Michele Baruch Jeffery. Mr. Baruch was a CBS vice president and general manager of CBS Enterprises, the company’s cable television and syndication division, when the Federal Communications Commission ruled that television networks could no longer own cable systems or syndicate programs in the United States. To comply, CBS created a new publicly owned company with Mr. Baruch as its president and chief executive. The new job was hardly a plum. ‘‘I was to lead a brand new company whose board I did not know and did not choose, with an oppressive distribution contract dictated by CBS,’’ Mr. Baruch wrote in his 2007 memoir, ‘‘Television Tightrope: How I Escaped Hitler, Survived CBS and Democrat and began shouting insults. When the judge laughed, Mr. Baruch, who had fought 20 duels by sword and pistol in incidents provoked by antiSemitic slurs against him — and had the facial scars to prove it — approached the bench and punched the judge. After the Nazis came to power the following year, the elder Mr. Baruch was tried for attempted murder, found guilty and sentenced to three years in prison. Using his connections in the judicial system, he engineered his escape and fled with his family to Paris, where Rudolph took the name Raoul and attended secondary school. After the fall of France, the family was again in mortal danger. Bernard Baruch had returned to Germany in 1938 to recruit spies for the French counterintelligence services, making his way back to France after the war began. When a captured spy gave up his name under interrogation, he moved near the top of the Nazi most-wanted list. The Emergency Rescue Committee helped the family emigrate to New York in December 1940. Raoul, who soon changed his name to Ralph, found work in a shoe factory for 35 cents an hour and on weekends was an usher at a movie theater on 42nd Street. He moved closer to his eventual profession when he was hired in 1943 as an engineer at Empire Broadcasting, a recording studio, having studied the topic with a borrowed textbook. Against the wishes of both sets of parents, he married 17-year-old Elizabeth Bachrach, known as Lilo, also a refugee from Frankfurt. She died in 1959. In addition to his daughter Michele, Mr. Baruch, who also had a home in Bedford Hills, N.Y., is survived by his wife, the former Jean Ursell de Mountford; three other daughters by his first marriage,EveBaruch,RenéeBaruchandDr. Alice Baruch; and three grandchildren. After working for a music-licensing organization, Mr. Baruch applied for a job as an ad salesman at Channel 5, part of the DuMont television network. He then worked for the Los Angeles Times Consolidated Television Film Sales to distribute its programs. He joined CBS in 1954 as an account executive at CBS Films (later renamed CBS Enterprises), the company’s television syndication division. By the end of the decade he was head of its worldwide distribution arm. Mr. Baruch played a leading role in getting Congress to pass the Cable Communications Policy Act of 1984, which deregulated the cable industry. In the mid-1980s, when Viacom had attracted a swarm of corporate raiders, notably Carl C. Icahn, Mr. Baruch survived an attempt by Mr. Elkes to oust him as part of a bid to take Viacom private. In his memoir, he recalled Mr. Elkes telling him, ‘‘Ralph, you’re dead meat.’’ After buying Viacom, Mr. Redstone replaced Mr. Baruch as chairman but kept him on as a consultant. DOUG KANTER/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Mr. Baruch had a central role in the deregulation of America’s cable television industry. Didi Kirsten Tatlow LETTER FROM CHINA BEIJING Trying to be helpful, a Chinese father at our sons’ elementary school advised me to slap my child’s face if he was being recalcitrant. He made a slicing hand gesture. ‘‘This is what I do,’’ he said. ‘‘It won’t work,’’ I said, appalled and hoping an argument based on efficiency rather than morality might persuade a father who clearly believed the Chinese saying that ‘‘a dutiful son is made by the rod.’’ ‘‘You’re wrong! It will,’’ he said, breezily, turning his attention to a more agreeable parent at the school meeting, where we were hearing about secondary education options for our children. Corporal punishment in Chinese schools was outlawed in 1986, but the harsh disciplining of children remains widespread, reflecting a tradition of ‘‘dama jiaoyu,’’ or hitting-and-cursing education, even if it has become a topic of debate in recent years. The habit can easily slip into abuse, scholars say. Figures on child abuse are scarce, reflecting a lack of government and social engagement with the problem, several specialists said. In a 2013 study of child abuse and suicidal thoughts among adolescents in Shanghai, the authors, Sylvia Y.C.L. Kwok and Wenyu Chai of the City University of Hong Kong and Xuesong He of East China University of Science and Technology, noted that in a national survey by the China Law Society of 3,543 people, 72 percent said their parents had beaten them. Another survey cited, of elementary pupils in Xi’an, found that 60 percent said they were hit, deprived of food or verbally abused by their parents. ‘‘Chinese parents tend to use physical and emotional punishment to solve parent-child problems and conflicts, which may easily lead to child abuse,’’ the authors wrote. ‘‘The problem is linked to culture,’’ Mr. He, a professor of social work and sociology, said in an interview. ‘‘Chinese culture is very tolerant of it, so there’s a lot of corporal punishment in families and schools.’’ That makes the new Chinese law against domestic violence important for children, who are covered by it, as are older and disabled people. ‘‘We need to protect our children,’’ Mr. He said. But how? News reports that women across China are applying for and receiving spousal protection orders from courts since the Anti-Domestic Violence Law took effect on March 1 showed that they were seizing new opportunities to ensure their safety. Feng Yuan, a feminist who has just returned from a work trip to a rural county in the southwestern province of Yunnan, said that women had inundated the local authorities with requests for information. Mr. He has a creative solution: Redeploy the thousands of newly idle family planning workers around the country as a network of child protectors. Their workload has declined, he said, since the government ended the one-child policy. ‘‘They have a giant network around the country. They know where the children are,’’ he noted. ‘‘Each village has a family planning worker. It’s potentially an excellent framework.’’ ‘‘It’s especially important to educate parents,’’ Mr. He added, ‘‘to tell people that there are other ways to raise children.’’ The Ministry of Civil Affairs, the branch of government with the most responsibility for children’s welfare, he said, was approaching the problem only ‘‘slowly.’’ Whether spousal or child abuse or other forms of family violence, studies show that they are linked. Abused children are prone to abusing others when they grow up. In a 2011 study of a county in central China by several United Nations agencies, 52 percent of men said they had used violence against a partner, while 47 percent reported they had beaten their children. ‘‘Men who witnessed their mother being beaten when they were children were nearly three times more likely to beat their own children than men who had not witnessed violence,’’ the study said. Retraining family planning workers to protect children ‘‘will be complicated,’’ Mr. He said, adding that he had not yet proposed the idea to the authorities. ‘‘But that’s the ideal.’’ EMAIL: pagetwo@nytimes.com Bringing child abuse into the open Ralph M. Baruch, who shaped Viacom’s rise, dies at 92 OBITUARY A new law could shine a harsh light on parenting that relies on ‘‘hitting and cursing.’’ Find a retrospective of news from 1887 to 2013 at iht-retrospective.blogs.nytimes.com. See what readers are talking about and leave your own comments at inyt.com. 1916 Gen. Villa Raids U.S. Town NEW YORK At the head of 500 troopers, General ‘‘Pancho’’ Villa, bandit leader of the Mexican rebels, dashed across the New Mexican border at daybreak this morning [March 9] and raided the town of Columbus, sixty miles west of El Paso, Tex. The Mexican raiders swept through the deserted streets of the little town, emptying revolvers and carbines through windows and doors of the houses and firing volleys at every person who made an appearance to see the nature of the disturbance. In less than an hour and a half, a troop of United States regulars was approaching the scene. The Mexicans mounted their horses and rode to the border. 1941 Women Called to War Plants Ernest Bevin, Minister of Labor, appealed today for 100,000 women from all walks of life to volunteer within two weeks for war service in British factories. He also called on 50,000 skilled shipbuilding workers who have left the industry in the last fifteen years to return to their old jobs, and urged businessmen and others not engaged in defense occupations to take over the thousands of unskilled jobs waiting in British shipyards. The triple-barreled appeal was made in a speech at Newcastle. Eased penalties in Afghan’s killing Why aren’t world leaders strongly condemning this injustice and the pattern of injustice against women in Afghanistan? For the amount of aid given, there’s every reason to hold Afghanistan to higher expectations. This isn’t something to stay silent about. SWM, PROVIDENCE Let’s not forget how recent it was that black men and women were lynched regularly here in the Christian South. We grew out of it. Someday, Afghanistan will grow out of it too. KEVIN PACKARD, CEDAR PARK, TEX. The Afghan courts did the right thing. No more death sentences, even for lynching. If there is anything that can save Afghanistan, it is the rule of law. Let’s hope that the condemned and the whole society will eventually realize their incomprehensibly evil and inhumane actions, which can never be repealed. THOMAS BISHOP, LOS ANGELES Exposing Chinese censorship So the Chinese government, i.e. a ruthless dictatorship, has decided that George Orwell had a good idea. Total and absolute control. Xi Jinping should hook up with Putin and Kim Jong-un and compare notes on how to enslave all the people in an entire nation. They could invite Trump to sit in so he could learn a thing or two before he takes over. AV, TALLAHASSEE Maybe the Chinese leadership will realize that an uncensored press actually helps them. The news and opinions expressed are actually based on reality, and not on what those lower down in the bureaucracy think that those above them want to hear. Lockstep censorship leads to everyone marching over the cliff together. Just ask anyone who has to breathe the air in Beijing. LOVEMAN0, SF IN YOUR WORDS IN OUR PAGES InternationalHerald Tribune Afghanistan’s river of solace MOISES SAMAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES The Helmand River Valley. The river flows through Taliban and opium country before slowing in Lashkar Gah. It then runs on to Nimruz Province, a smuggling hub on the Iranian border. LASHKAR GAH, AFGHANISTAN BY MUJIB MASHAL The banks of the placid Helmand River have always been the social center of Lashkar Gah, the southern Afghan provincial capital sometimes called Little America during the decades of modernization efforts here. The appeal of the river stands aside from worldly concerns, and there are many of those lately. The water is calm this time of year, the sunset gorgeous. To unwindattheendoftheday,peoplecome to the riverbank for bandaar — easy chat over a cup of tea or, if in season, the delicious pomegranates this region is known for. Other visitors have slowed their worlds with hashish, lying on their backs in the water, away from the crowds, fascinated with the clear sky above. On a recent reporting trip, I was particularly keen to talk to a friend here, a young university lecturer with helpful insights about this place. Even by its own standard, the surrounding region of Helmand Province has suffered a rough, bloody year. The Taliban, making major inroads, are now holed up in one of Lashkar Gah’s suburbs across the river. Was he worried that the city might fall, that the lifestyle he had grown used to — a vibrant educational environment, multiple private TV and radio channels — could be in danger? After a conversation over milk tea on a worn-out couch at a little cafe facing the river, he suggested dinner with a couple of his friends, also university lecturers, at a fish restaurant that had opened just outside the city. The suburb, Karez, is considered one of the safest, he said. Even when the Taliban entered Lashkar Gah a few years ago, they met fierce resistance in Karez. Before leaving for the restaurant, the professors spread their shawls by the river for the evening prayer. Everyone savored the beauty of the sunset in its last moments. The river’s course is a reminder that life goes on despite violent upheaval, flowing through Taliban and opium country, slowing down in this city, and then running on to Nimruz Province, the smuggling hub on the border with Iran. Its calm waters have sustained agriculture and towns in the middle of the desert, and would-be conquerors have been drawn along its path for eons. It is that role that informs a Pashto poem by Abdul Bari Jahani, who is now Afghanistan’s minister of information and culture, which reads in part: Helmand, I ask you in the language of the heart: Do you recall the cruelties of your time? You know well what’s happened at your edges. You listened as angry skies grumbled and death rained down with bullets. You watched blood flow with your waves as hangmen discarded martyred bodies. And you witnessed those who looted the nomad girls’ nose-rings: all in the name of the great lord. Helmand, how did you learn to flow with such calm? For much of the day, I had tried to gauge the mood of the city. ‘‘We are very sad because our numbers are skyrocketing,’’ said Dejan Panic, who runs the 91-bed Emergency Hospital here. The number of admitted trauma patients has increased 20 percent this year, and so has the severity of the injuries, Mr. Panic said. The hospital recently built an underground bunker for staff and patients, in case the violence brings the sort of bombings that happened in Kunduz. Jamila Niazi, Helmand Province’s director of women’s affairs, said she had lost touch with the women’s councils in the districts overrun by the Taliban. Girls’ schools have also been closed there. But Ms. Niazi expressed confidence that the security forces would be able to hold the city. ‘‘For years, there’s been fighting here, and the city hasn’t fallen,’’ she said. Ghulam Rabbani, who sells CDs and DVDs in downtown Lashkar Gah, was more concerned. He had not sold anything all day. His retailers from districts overrun by the Taliban, who oppose music and television as un-Islamic, no longer come to buy. ‘‘When the Taliban came close to the city a few years ago, we weren’t as concerned because the foreign troops were still here, and we knew they would be pushed back again,’’ Mr. Rabbani said. ‘‘This time, they are no longer here.’’ Trying to find the fish restaurant, we drove through the desert in a small Toyota Vitz, many times asking for directions. Still, we kept hitting dead ends, prompting questions about how much business the place could expect if even local customers struggled to get there. The restaurant, found after almost an hour of searching, was beautiful, down a slope of cobblestone and facing the river. The lights on the first floor were dim, the doors locked. A small window on the second floor opened, and a man looked out. ‘‘Are you the fish guys?’’ he asked with a smile. The normalcy, in a place surrounded by war, recalled a lost Helmand that is still so present in the Afghan imagination. Earlier in the day, a nostalgic politician who is now in charge of the battle here, Abdul Jabar Qahraman, had talked about that lost Helmand as he described a conversation with a NATO general. ‘‘If someone sat somewhere in the world and thought of Afghanistan, Helmand would definitely come to his mind,’’ he recounted saying. ‘‘Then he thought of the beauty of Lashkar Gah, and he would say, ‘This is little New York, little Washington.’ ‘‘Today, when someone in the world thinks of Afghanistan, he thinks of evil, and he thinks of Helmand — that it is the center of it,’’ Mr. Qahraman continued, lamenting. ‘‘Forty years ago, we had such a life here — we had a disco,’’ he said. ‘‘But then we fell into the ditch of misfortune. I just want to see that Helmand again in my lifetime.’’ Menaced by Taliban, residents in Helmand’s capital yearn for lost days REP ORTER’S NOTEBOOK IRAN TAJIK. PAKISTAN AFGHANISTAN Lashkar Gah Kabul TURKMEN. UZBEK. NIMRUZ HELMAND 200 MILES THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 | 3INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES . . . . World News united states HILARY SWIFT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Marco Rubio, Florida’s junior senator, in Sarasota, Fla., this week. He will struggle to reassure his campaign’s donors if he fails to win the state’s winner-take-all primary on Tuesday. The special place will have its fill of politicians over the next week. Univision was hosting a Democratic debate on Wednesday night, and CNN a Republican debate on Thursday night, both in Miami. But with little drama expected in the Democratic race — Hillary Clinton is comfortably ahead here in polls — all the attention is on the Republican contest. Mr. Rubio, in the fight of his life, is trawling the state, from a paella cookout in the Cuban enclave of Hialeah, near Miami, to a high-dollar fund-raiser in Palm Beach to Sarasota and St. Augustine. Mr. Cruz also plans to visit Miami, Mr. Rubio’s home base. It will be an expensive race, with Florida’s 10 media markets and $12 million in ads swamping televisions in the final two weeks before voting. It will be bitter, too, with many supporters of the former governor, Jeb Bush, refusing to back Mr. Rubio. Some are threatening to vote for Mr. Bush, who dropped out of the race last month, because his name remains on the ballot. And it will be a spectacle. ‘‘The guys I see every day are having ministroke episodes,’’ said David Johnson, a Republican consultant in Tallahassee, the capital, who was supporting Mr. Bush in the presidential race. In a twist that Mr. Rubio cannot enjoy, much of the anti-establishment anger that he rode to victory in the 2010 midterm elections is now working against him. Mr. Trump and Mr. Cruz, who party leaders fear would lead the Republicans to historic defeats in November, are the anti-establishment now. ‘‘It’s a very similar thing,’’ Mr. Johnson added. ‘‘People are angry. They don’t know what they want, but they don’t want what they have right now.’’ Every 15 years or so, Florida manages to send a shock through the presidential race, whether in the form of a romantic escapade on a yacht named Monkey Business, which helped sink Gary Hart, or in the form of hanging chads, the halfpunched ballots that sent the 2000 election to the United States Supreme Court. This time, the shock wave is Mr. Trump. For evidence that this is Mr. Trump’s Republican Party now, look no farther than here in the blue-blooded beachhead of Palm Beach. When the local party hosts its annual Lincoln Day dinner this month, a tradition that dates back decades, Mr. Trump will not only headline the event but also host it. His private club Mar-a-Lago is the venue. Florida allows ballots to be cast before Election Day, and the early-voting data contains signs that Mr. Trump should find encouraging. According to an analysis of the more than 600,000 votes that Florida Republicans have already cast, 18 percent came from people who did not vote in November 2012 or in 2014 when Gov. Rick Scott, a Republican, was re-elected. Daniel Smith, a professor of political science at the University of Florida, who conducted the analysis, said that number accounted for more than just population growth, and could be seen as a sign that Mr. Trump is pulling in new voters, much as he has done in other states. But not all the data is discouraging for Mr. Rubio. In Miami-Dade County, where Mr. Rubio hopes to make up for the ground Mr. Trump is likely to gain in the more conservative north of the state, Mr. Smith said the rate of Hispanic Republicans participating is above average. That, he said, should be good for Mr. Rubio. The Rubio campaign’s get-out-thevote operation beyond Miami has been slow going. One afternoon over the weekend at the Orlando headquarters, which opened only last week, about 20 volunteers were working from lists of likely Rubio voters who had requested absentee ballots and calling them to make sure they had voted. Their surroundings were bleak: the vacant offices of what used to be an architecture firm, the floor littered with broken ceramic tiles and orange cones marking where hazards protruded. Complicating matters for Mr. Rubio is Mr. Cruz, who despite not being particularly competitive in Florida has decided to be at the very least a nuisance, and at theveryworstadrainthatkeepsthesenator from catching up with Mr. Trump. Mr. Cruz announced recently that his campaign had opened 10 offices across the state — a move that seemed aimed at goading Mr. Rubio, since at the time the Rubio campaign had only five formally open. Rubio campaign officials circulated photographs of what they said were the Cruz locations, which looked vacant. If Mr. Rubio has much of a campaign treasury left, he is not spending it on ads here but rather relying on the ‘‘super PAC’’ backing him for support. The Conservative Solutions PAC placed nearly $6 million in advertising for the two weeks before the primary. Some of that will be spent attacking Mr. Trump, who is already the target of $4 million in negative ads by an array of groups working to take him down. But even if Republicans were spending more to swamp Mr. Trump in negative ads, it is not clear they would agree on a candidate to support in his place. Florida may bring Republican race to its endgame FLORIDA, FROM PAGE 1 ‘‘People are angry. They don’t know what they want, but they don’t want what they have right now.’’ BY YAMICHE ALCINDOR AND PATRICK HEALY No Democratic presidential candidate had campaigned in Traverse City, Mich., in decades until Senator Bernie Sanders pulled up to the concert hall near the Sears store on Friday. Some 2,000 people mobbed him when he arrived, roaring in approval as he called the country’s trade policies, and Hillary Clinton’s support for them, ‘‘disastrous.’’ ‘‘If the people of Michigan want to make a decision about which candidate stood with workers against corporate America and against these disastrous trade agreements, that candidate is Bernie Sanders,’’ Mr. Sanders said in Traverse City, about 250 miles north of Detroit. Mr. Sanders pulled off a startling upset in Michigan on Tuesday by traveling to communities far from Detroit and by hammering Mrs. Clinton on an issue that resonated in this still-struggling state: her past support for trade deals that workers here believe robbed them of manufacturing jobs. Almost threefifths of voters said that trade with other countries was more likely to take away jobs, according to exit polls by Edison Research, and those voters favored Mr. Sanders by a margin of more than 10 points. For Mrs. Clinton, it was a stinging defeat in a state that she had made a symbol of her campaign, pledging to help the citizens of Flint overcome its contaminated water crisis in a rare display of passion and outrage from a candidate who is often reserved. The results were also a reminder of her weakness among two key voting blocs: working-class white men and independent voters. The setback will almost certainly lead her to sharpen or even rethink her economic message, which does not seem to be reaching voters who feel betrayed by the Democratic Party’s embrace of free trade and left behind by the forces of globalization and deregulation. The first big test was to come Wednesday night, with the two candidates set to debate in Miami, and then in the major industrial states that vote on March 15, including Ohio and Illinois. Despite the loss, Mrs. Clinton still has a large lead among delegates and picked up more than Mr. Sanders on Tuesday night because of her lopsided win in Mississippi. But Michigan was a big prize for Mr. Sanders, who had poured money and time into the state, and he is certain to capitalizeontheattentionitwillbring.He began advertising heavily about a month ago, spending nearly $2 million, while Mrs. Clinton was more focused on the Super Tuesday contests held last week. One ad portrayed Mr. Sanders as the only candidate who had consistently opposed the free trade agreements many Michigan voters blame for job losses. Mr. Sanders also seized on trade in a Democratic debate on Sunday, a face-off that many analysts felt Mrs. Clinton had won, but that his advisers believed had conveyed his intensity and sincerity on economic fairness. Despite Mrs. Clinton’s advantages, including the support of much of the state’s Democratic establishment, the Sanders campaign showed deft organization and strategy: Mr. Sanders crisscrossed the state, speaking to more than 41,000 people, and his campaign opened 13 offices and hired 44 staffers to carry his message. He also visited places that were largely overlooked by the Clinton campaign, including Traverse City and Kalamazoo. Beverly Christensen, a retired pilot, said she had waited in line for a couple of hours to see Mr. Sanders at his rally in Traverse City. She called it ‘‘huge’’ for Mr. Sanders to come to the area, saying she could not recall another presidential contender visiting since the home-state favorite Gerald Ford stopped by. ‘‘To have him show up here — it was likehewasasuperstarjustcomingtoour small town,’’ Ms. Christensen, 68, said in a telephone interview. ‘‘We felt like we were being heard and being listened to, and that was really important.’’ In Grand Traverse County, the home of Traverse City, Mr. Sanders won with about 64 percent of the vote. He also performed especially well in counties that are home to major campuses like the University of Michigan, Michigan State University and Western Michigan University. As results flooded in Tuesday night, Mr. Sanders said he had felt the race shifting in his favor in recent days as he talked with auto workers, union leaders and college students, who seemed eager for a more assertive progressive agenda. ‘‘If you understand that two weeks ago, we were 30 points behind, it is very clear, as I felt, that we have a lot of momentum with us,’’ Mr. Sanders said in an interview. ‘‘Many of the vibes we were getting were very, very positive. I knew, I knew that these polls that had us 20 or 30 points behind were wrong.’’ But even Mr. Sanders seemed surprised by the outcome: He had no victory speech prepared, instead holding a seven-minute news conference from Miami as the votes were being counted. While Michigan’s economy has recovered substantially since the economic crisis, its unemployment level has continued to hover above national averages. More problematic, some analysts fear that many have simply stopped looking for work as the state’s labor force has shrunk. Though the auto industry, which fuels the regional economy, has rebounded significantly from the lows of 2008, Detroit only recently emerged from bankruptcy. ‘‘He was strong and forceful on trade, and persuasive with a lot of Michigan Democrats who have seen what’s happened to their economy over the past 20 years,’’ said Tad Devine, a senior adviser to the Sanders campaign. When Mrs. Clinton accused Mr. Sanders at the debate of opposing the 2009 federal bailout of the auto industry, and then began broadcasting a radio ad about the issue on Monday morning, Sanders advisers scrambled to come up with an ad of their own, explaining that Mr. Sanders had supported the bailout but opposed earlier aid for Wall Street that included some money for car companies. Amy Chozick, Steve Eder and Giovanni Russonello contributed reporting. Trade and jobs propel Sanders in Michigan Candidate pulls off upset by honing his message for working-class voters CORRECTION • An article Tuesday about a lawyer’s suit against the law school from which shegraduated,accusingitofinflatingthe employment record of its graduates, misstatedthenameofaninstitutionsued in a similar case dismissed by the New York Supreme Court. It is New York Law School, not New York School of Law. ‘‘It was like he was a superstar just coming to our small town. We felt like we were being heard and being listened to.’’ Tel.+33.1.55.35.20.20 INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES4 | THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 . . . . world news americas europe Zika and poverty shatter Brazilian dreams IPOJUCA, BRAZIL BY SIMON ROMERO They were young and relishing Brazil’s version of the American dream: buying a car, joining a church, starting a family. With millions of others, they had climbed into the country’s expanding middle class. They had even moved into California, a neighborhood of strivers who had left the big, impoverished city nearby. ‘‘It was that magical moment when everything seemed possible,’’ said Germana Soares, 24. Then, in the sixth month of Ms. Soares’s pregnancy, the couple discovered how quickly their fortunes, like those of their nation, could change. A routine exam showed that their son weighed much less than he should. Doctors worried that he, like hundreds of other Brazilian babies born in recent months, had microcephaly, an incurable condition in which infants have abnormally small heads. The doctors peppered her with questions about the Zika virus, which she had contracted early in her pregnancy. Her husband, Glecion Amorim, 27, quickly spiraled into worry. Ms. Soares put on a brave face and prayed, trying to stay positive. Then another shock: Mr. Amorim, a welder riding Brazil’s push into the top ranks of global oil producers, was fired with hundreds of others. The enormous shipyard where he built oil vessels was teetering along with Brazil’s scandalplagued oil industry. In the span of a few weeks, the entire arc of their lives had changed. All the crosscurrents punishing Brazil — corruption, the country’s worst economic downturn in decades, the fall of millions of middle-class people into poverty, the Zika epidemic and the surge of microcephaly cases stalking the northeast — were suddenly lashing at the door of their cookie-cutter, two-bedroom home with a Chevy compact in the driveway. ‘‘I thought Hawaii would be wonderful to see,’’ Ms. Soares said, rattling off a list of dreams the couple had sketched out, until recently. ‘‘All those big plans are in the past. My priority has to be caring for my special boy.’’ Their struggle offers a small glimpse into the thousands of Brazilian families now faced with the prospect of raising a disabled child in poverty in the wake of the Zika epidemic. Researchers still cannot say with certainty whether the virus causes microcephaly in infants, but at least 641 Brazilian babies have been born with the condition since October — a sharp increase detected by doctors in recent months — and the authorities are investigating 4,222 other cases, largely here in the country’s impoverished northeast. NEWFOUND SECURITY Ms.SoaresandMr.Amorimthoughtthey had finally escaped the hardships of life in nearby Recife when they moved into California around the start of the decade. Those were the boom years, when tens of thousands of workers swarmed the Port of Suape, a sprawling industrial site built tohelppropelBrazilintotheeliteranksof the world’s oil-producing nations. Huge deep-sea oil discoveries and the opening of a new agricultural frontier on the edge of the Amazon rain forest had catapulted Brazil onto the global stage, positioning it to satisfy China’s demand for commodities. Brazilian officials built concrete canals in droughtstricken backlands, railroads through the hinterlands and lavish stadiums for the World Cup soccer tournament. Demand for workers was so intense that Mr. Amorim’s employers offered him a two-bedroom house, one of nearly 800 designed almost identically in this company town. ‘‘At one point, there were a thousand buses a day here transporting workers,’’ said Aldo Amaral, 44, the president of the union representing laborers at the port complex. ‘‘It was a boom that was supposed to last decades.’’ Ms. Soares and Mr. Amorim embraced it fully. When Brazil’s currency surged, their combined income reached the equivalent of almost $40,000 a year. They installed a large flat-screen television in their living room, joined an evangelical Christian congregation, hired a photographer for their wedding, traveled by motorcycle to idyllic beaches and even flew on vacation to Fernando de Noronha, a Brazilian archipelago in the Atlantic that few people in the world ever get to see. ‘‘We even had health insurance that gave us access to private hospitals,’’ Ms. Soares said, lamenting her current reliance on Brazil’s public health system, often characterized by horror stories about neglect by doctors and shortages of beds that force patients to sleep in the corridors. ‘‘It was the perfect time for us to have a baby.’’ A SUDDEN BLOW Ebullient when Ms. Soares became pregnant, the couple hosted a ‘‘chá de revelação,’’ a party to reveal the baby’s sex, and announced to friends and relatives that they were expecting a son. They tried to remain hopeful even after doctors raised the possibility during Ms. Soares’s pregnancy that their son might have microcephaly. They thought about opening a store selling baby clothes with the modest severance package Mr. Amorim had received after losing his job at the shipyard. Then, on Nov. 27, Guilherme was born. At first, doctors said the baby seemed fine. The news elicited cries of joy among relatives in the waiting room, and a celebration of hugs and impromptu dancing that resembled ‘‘a Carnival street party,’’ Ms. Soares said. But a nurse returned with an update. Something appeared to be wrong when they measured Guilherme’s head. The circumference was 32 centimeters, or about 12.6 inches, the threshold for microcephaly classification at that time. A hush set over the hospital room as family members carefully tapped the word ‘‘microcephaly’’ into the search engines of their smartphones. ‘‘I heard the number 32, and I began to cry,’’ Mr. Amorim said. Doctors kept Ms. Soares and Guilherme hospitalized for a week as they carried out tests. Scans confirmed that Guilherme had brain damage associated with microcephaly. The blow led the couple to rethink everything. Ms. Soares had been so buoyant after learning she was pregnant that she left her job as a real estate agent, planning to dedicate herself instead to raising their child on her husband’s salary. But after he lost his job, the two found themselves in the whirlwind of Brazil’s economic crisis. More than six million Brazilians have slipped from the middle class into poverty since 2014, according to economists at Bradesco, one of Brazil’s largest banks. Instead of opening a clothing store, as they had envisioned, Mr. Amorim invested in something more affordable: a dune buggy. Each day, he drives to Porto de Galinhas, a nearby area of resorts where he tries to lure vacationers to take beach tours. In a good month, he makes about $625. Altogether, he said, the family will be lucky if their annual income reaches $7,000. ‘‘I have to keep a smile on my face and be friendly despite all the thoughts swirling in my mind,’’ Mr. Amorim said. ‘‘I’m the only one now earning money, and it’s my responsibility to put food on our table every day.’’ Ms. Soares said she was slowly realizing that she might never be able to hold a regular job again, given the time needed to care for children with microcephaly, who often develop problems like speech impediments, hearing loss and learning delays. Guilherme, she said, has already started having muscle spasms, which doctors say are a predictor of convulsions later in life. ‘‘He cries so much and needs so much love that I can’t just leave him with someone,’’ she said. ‘‘I used to think of myself as an independent woman,’’ she added, pausing to look out the window. ‘‘But that phase in my life is finished. I can’t go back to work.’’ TRUDGING FORWARD Mr. Amorim says he is too busy trying to make ends meet to dwell on their misfortune. When he gets home from work, he surfs the web for welding jobs, wondering whether it makes sense to apply for openings in distant Mozambique, a Portuguese-speaking country in southern Africa. Despite the findings of dozens of medical tests, he said he still held out hope that Guilherme does not have microcephaly, pointing out that his head circumference is at the upper limit of the range for the condition. ‘‘It’s not that I don’t accept him,’’ he said. ‘‘But in my mind, he is normal.’’ While adapting to the challenges and costs of raising Guilherme, the couple are also trying to stave off eviction. The shipyard is trying to repossess their house on the grounds that Mr. Amorim did not work long enough to take full ownership of the property. The couple have joined dozens of other families in a lawsuit, claiming that Brazil’s real estate laws allow them to stay in their homes. Built in less than a decade, their subdivision and surrounding areas of Ipojuca already exhibit the strains of age. Some in the California subdivision have put up towering walls around their homes to protect against break-ins. Motorists navigate through potholes on streets buckling under the equatorial sun. Graffiti tags on some homes speak to the fraying of the neighborhood’s aspirations. From their porch, Ms. Soares and Mr. Amorim can glimpse the flickering of the flare stack at the oil refinery in the Port of Suape that cost nearly $20 billion to build, about eight times original estimates. Like so many other ambitious projects begun in Brazil during the boom, it was never completed. The shipyard adjacent to it, where Mr. Amorim once worked? Struggling to fend off collapse, its owners are grappling with graft scandals and the crash of Brazil’s oil industry. ‘‘It’s like we’re stranded here now,’’ Mr. Amorim said, cradling his son in his arms. ‘‘I never dreamed that this is the life Guilherme would be born into.’’ PHOTOGRAPHS BY MAURICIO LIMA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES A doctor in Recife stimulating the sight of 2-month-old Sophya Vitória da Silva using a phone’s flashlight in a cup. At least 641 Brazilian babies have been born with microcephaly since October. Mothers with microcephalic babies at a health clinic in Recife, in northeastern Brazil. later worked with a diverse roster of pop and jazz performers, including Ella Fitzgerald, the Bee Gees, Jeff Beck, the Mahavishnu Orchestra, Paul Winter, Cheap Trick, America and Ultravox. His collaboration with the Beatles inevitably overshadowed his other accomplishments.From1962to1970,Mr.Martin produced 13 albums and 22 singles for the group, a compact body of work that adds up to less than 10 hours of music but that revolutionized the popular music world. After the Beatles broke up, he virtually doubled that output, overseeing archival releases drawn from the group’s concerts at the Hollywood Bowl, BBC radio performances and unreleased studio recordings that reveal a great deal about the Beatles’ working process. Mr. Martin always deflected credit for the Beatles’ success, telling interviewers over the years that his own efforts were secondary to the songwriting genius of John Lennon, Paul McCartney and, to a lesser extent, George Harrison. The Beatles, for their part, recognized that Mr. Martin came to the job with a virtually infallible ear for arrangements. His advice and his behindthe-scenes scoring and editing gave some of the Beatles’ greatest recordings their characteristic sound. When the Beatles played ‘‘Please Please Me’’ for him for the first time, for example, it was in a slow arrangement meant to evoke the style of Roy Orbison, one of their heroes. Mr. Martin insisted that they pick up the tempo and add a simple harmonica introduction. His suggestions transformed ‘‘Please Please Me,’’ which became their first big hit. Always intent on expanding the Beatles’ horizons, Mr. Martin began chipping away at the group’s resistance to using orchestral musicians on its recordings in early 1965. While recording the ‘‘Help!’’ album that year, he brought in flutists for the simple adornment that enlivens Lennon’s ‘‘You’ve Got to Hide Your Love Away,’’ and he convinced Mr. McCartney, against his initial resistance, that ‘‘Yesterday’’ should be accompanied by a string quartet. A year later, during the recording of the album ‘‘Revolver,’’ Mr. Martin no longer had to cajole: The Beatles prevailed on him to augment their recordings with arrangements for strings (on ‘‘Eleanor Rigby’’), brass (on ‘‘Got to Get You Into My Life’’), marching band (on ‘‘Yellow Submarine’’) and solo French horn (on ‘‘For No One’’), as well as a tabla player for Harrison’s Indianinfluenced song ‘‘Love You To.’’ It was also at least partly through Mr. Martin’s encouragement that the Beatles became increasingly interested in electronic sound. Noting their inquisitiveness about both the technical and musical sides of recording, Mr. Martin ignored the traditional barrier between performers and technicians and invited the group into the control room, where he showed them how the recording equipment at EMI’s Abbey Road studios worked. He also introduced them to unorthodox recording techniques, including toying with tape speeds and playing tapes backward. Mr. Martin was never particularly trendy, and when the Beatles adopted the flowery fashions of psychedelia in 1966 and 1967 he continued to attend sessions in a white shirt and tie, his hair combed back in a schoolmasterly preBeatles style. Musically, though, he was fully in step with them. When Lennon wanted a circus sound for his ‘‘Being for the Benefit of Mr. Kite,’’ Mr. Martin recorded a barrel organ and, following the example of John Cage, cut the tape into small pieces and reassembled them at random. His avant-garde orchestration and spacey production techniques made ‘‘A Day in the Life’’ into a monumental finale for the kaleidoscopic album ‘‘Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band.’’ George Henry Martin was born in LondononJan.3,1926,toHenryandBertha Martin. As a child, he was a talented and largely self-taught pianist who had perfect pitch and was able to learn classical pieces and popular tunes by ear. While a student at Bromley Grammar School he formed a dance band, George Martin and the Four Tune Tellers. He continued a part-time career as a pianist during World War II, when he was a pilot in the Fleet Air Arm of the British Navy. After the war Mr. Martin attended the Guildhall School of Music, where he took up the oboe in addition to studying composition, conducting and piano. Not long afterward, he was invited to become an assistant to Oscar Preuss, the recording manager at Parlophone Records. When he succeeded Mr. Preuss in 1955, at 29, he was the youngest label manager at EMI. Parlophonewasapoorrelationamong EMI’s labels, but it had a varied roster when Mr. Martin joined its staff in 1950. For all its diversity, though, Parlophone had little success with rock ’n’ roll until Mr. Martin began recording the Beatles. By the end of 1963 Mr. Martin was virtually coining money for EMI, not only withtheBeatles’recordingsbutalsowith the hits he was producing for other acts. Austin Ramzy contributed reporting. Producer who guided the Beatles dies at 90 MARTIN, FROM PAGE 1 George Martin would deflect credit for the band’s success. Doctors alter immune systems to facilitate kidney transplants KIDNEY, FROM PAGE 1 have antibodies that will attack a transplanted organ, and that about 20 percent are so exquisitely sensitive that finding a compatible organ is all but impossible. In addition, said Dr. Dorry Segev, the lead author of the new study, an unknown number of people with kidney failure simply give up on the waiting lists after learning that their bodies would reject just about any organ. Instead, they spend the rest of their lives dependent on dialysis, a difficult and draining procedure that can pretty much take over a person’s life. The desensitization method involves first filtering all the antibodies out of a patient’s blood. The patient is then given an infusion of other antibodies to provide some protection while the immune system regenerates its own antibodies. For some reason — exactly why is not known — the person’s regenerated antibodies are less likely to attack the new organ, Dr. Segev said. But if the person’s regenerated natural antibodies are still a concern, the patient is treated with drugs that destroy any white blood cells that might make antibodies to attack the new kidney. The process is expensive, costing $30,000, and it uses drugs not approved for this purpose. The transplant costs about $100,000. But kidney specialists say that desensitization is cheaper in the long run than dialysis, which costs $70,000 a year for life. The biggest use of desensitization would be for kidney transplants, but the process might be suitable for two other types of living donor transplants, liver and lung, researchers said. The liver is less sensitive to antibodies so there is less need for desensitization, ‘‘but it’s certainly possible if there are known incompatibilities,’’ Dr. Segev said. With lungs, he said, desensitization ‘‘is theoretically possible,’’ though he is not aware of anyone doing it yet. In the new study, 1,025 patients at 22 medical centers who had an incompatible donor were compared to an equal number of patients who either remained on waiting lists for an organ or who had an organ from a deceased but compatibledonor.Aftereightyears,76.5percent of those who got an incompatible kidney were still alive, compared with 62.9 percent who remained on the waiting list or received a deceased donor kidney and 43.9 percent who remained on the waiting list but never received a transplant. The desensitization procedure takes time, so patients must have a living donor. It is not known how many have someone willing to donate a kidney, but doctors say they often see situations where a relative or even a friend is willing to donate but is found to be incompatible. ‘‘Often patients are told that their living donor is incompatible, so they are stuck on waiting lists’’ for a deceased donor, Dr. Segev said. In recent years an option called a kidney exchange has helped some patients in this situation. Patients who have incompatible living donors can swap donors with someone else whose donor may be compatible with them. Often there are chains of patient-donor pairs leading to a compatible organ swap. That process can be successful, said Dr. Krista Lentine, medical director of the living donation program at the Saint Louis Center for Transplantation, but there are often patients who still cannot find a compatible organ because they have antibodies that would reject almost every kidney. In those cases, ‘‘desensitization may be the only realistic option for receiving a transplant,’’ said Dr. Lentine, who was involved with the study. Dr. Jeffrey Campsen, a transplant surgeon at the University of Utah Health Sciences Center who was not a study investigator, said his group focused on exchanges and had been fairly successful. But he also comes across patients whose donors do not want to participate. ‘‘There is a hurdle if the donor and patient have an emotional bond,’’ he said. The new data showing the success of desensitization, he said, ‘‘lets people get behind it.’’ Now, Dr. Campsen said, ‘‘I do think it is something we would consider.’’ For Clint Smith, a 56-year-old lawyer in New Orleans,desensitization changed his life. His progressive kidney disease, called focal segmental glomerulonephritis, slowly scarred his kidneys until, in 2004, they stopped functioning. His sister-in-law donated a kidney to him and he had a transplant, but after six years it failed. He went on dialysis, spending hours, four days a week, hooked up to machines. It was keeping him alive, he told his friends, but it was not a life. Then a nurse told him he might want to ask Johns Hopkins about its desensitization study. ‘‘I was like, whatever I could do,’’ he said. He discovered that he qualified for the study. But he needed a donor. One day, Mr. Smith’s wife, talking on the phone to a college friend, Angela Watkins, who lives in Augusta, Ga., mentioned that he was praying for a donor. Mrs. Watkins’s husband, David Watkins, a judge in state court, had been friends with Mr. Smith in college and the two wives kept in touch over the years. Mrs. Watkins told her husband about the conversation, and they asked themselves whether they should offer to donate. ‘‘We talked and researched and prayed,’’ Judge Watkins said. Finally, he said, they came to a conclusion: ‘‘We have a moral obligation to at least see if we would qualify.’’ And he felt that he should be the one to go first. If he did not qualify, his wife could be tested. Mr. Smith warned his old friend that donating was an enormous undertaking. ‘‘He said, ‘You can’t grasp what you are doing.’ I heard him but it didn’t register,’’ Judge Watkins said. ‘‘I told him, ‘I have something you need, so what’s the big deal?’’’ Of course it was a big deal. Though Judge Watkins had prepared by getting himself in top physical shape, it still took about six months to recover from the surgery. That was four years ago, and Mr. Smith’s new kidney is still functioning. In a study, ‘‘desensitization’’ of antibodies prevented a patient’s body from rejecting an incompatible donor organ. THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 | 5INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES . . . . europe africa middle east world news Somalia strikes Shabab with U.S. help MOGADISHU, SOMALIA BY MOHAMMED IBRAHIM Only days after United States aircraft struck a Shabab training camp in Somalia, American special operations forces and Somali troops carried out a raid against Shabab fighters, officials said on Wednesday, in a sign of heightened pressure against the militant group. Somali government officials said that commandos in helicopters raided a militant base in the village of Awdhegle in the lower Shabelle region, nearly 40 miles west of Mogadishu. The commandos landed a few miles outside the village before advancing on the base, killing a total of 19 militants in the operation, officials said. Residents in Awdhegle village reported hearing intense gun battles around midnight on Tuesday, causing confusion, shock and fear. Capt. Jeff Davis, a Pentagon spokesman, said that United States attack helicopters were used in the Somalia operation, and that American military personnel had accompanied Somali troops but did not ‘‘go all the way to the objective.’’ He would not say whether the American forces stayed on the helicopters throughout the entire operation. ‘‘I can tell you that U.S. military personnel served in an advisory role to enable the Somali operation,’’ Captain Davis said. ‘‘We were acting in an advisory role.’’ There are about 50 American special operators in Somalia who work with Somali and African Union forces. The raid came right after a major assault by United States aircraft on a Shabab training camp on Saturday. That attack, which American officials said was carried out by United States drones and warplanes, killed about 150 Shabab fighters assembled for what officials believe was a graduation ceremony. It was the deadliest assault on the Shabab in the more than decade-long American campaign against the group, and a sharp departure from previous American strikes, which have focused more on the group’s leaders, not on its foot soldiers. The Shabab has denied that 150 of its fighters were killed at the camp over the weekend, saying that the death toll cited by Americans was exaggerated. But the group confirmed that the attack took place. In the most recent assault — the raid overnight on Tuesday — the Shabab confirmed that one of their fighters was killed but asserted that the assault against it had been unsuccessful. Abdulaziz Abu Muscab, a Shabab spokesman, said two helicopters had dropped foreign soldiers outside the village. But he said Shabab fighters had repelled the attack, which he said lasted about 30 minutes. The Shabab has recently intensified its attacks against the government and public places. On Wednesday morning, a car loaded with explosives went off at a restaurant in Mogadishu, killing three police officers and the restaurant owner, according to Gen. Ali Hersi Barre, a police commander. The Shabab claimed responsibility for the attack, saying they had targeted government officials at the restaurant. Helene Cooper contributed reporting from Washington. Special Operations forces aid in attack that kills 19 militants at training site ISIS detainee tells of mustard gas plan ISIS, FROM PAGE 1 ant networks and conduct raids on Islamic State leaders and other important militants. Defense Department officials say the model for handling Mr. Afari came from a Delta Force raid last May, when two dozen American commandos from Iraq entered eastern Syria aboard Black Hawk helicopters and V-22 Ospreys and killed a man known as Abu Sayyaf, described by American officials as the Islamic State’s emir for oil and gas. Abu Sayyaf’s wife, Umm Sayyaf, was captured and taken to a screening facility in northern Iraq, where she was questioned and detained. American forces seized laptop computers, cellphones and other materials from the site. Umm Sayyaf was kept for three months by the American authorities and provided them with information, officials said. Last August, she was transferred to Kurdish custody, and last month the Justice Department filed an arrest warrant charging her with conspiring to provide material support to the Islamic State in an offense that officials said resulted in the death of Kayla Mueller, the American aid worker who was killed in Syria in February 2014. Officials say that Umm Sayyaf provided information on the Islamic State’s kidnap-for-ransom networks. The United States has long suspected the Islamic State of using sulfur mustard, a chemical warfare agent, and last year officials said they had confirmed the presence of the mustard gas on fragments of ordnance used in Islamic State attacks in Syria and Iraq. Laboratory tests, which were also performed on scraps of clothing from victims, showed the presence of a partially degraded form of HD, also known as distilled sulfur mustard, a substance banned internationally that burns a victim’s skin, airways and eyes. Chemical warfare agents, broadly condemned and banned by most nations under international convention, are indiscriminate. They are also difficult to defend against without specialized equipment, which many of the Islamic State’s foes in Iraq and Syria lack, and they are worrisome as potential terrorist weapons, though chlorine and blister agents are typically less lethal than bullets, shrapnel or explosives. It was unclear how the Islamic State had obtained sulfur mustard, a banned substance with a narrow chemical warfare application. Both the former government in Iraq and the current government in Syria previously possessed chemical warfare programs. In the latest suspected chemical attack by the Islamic State, local officials in the northern Iraqi town of Taza reported that dozens of people suffered from respiratory and skin irritation after a mortar and rocket barrage by militants. ‘‘Forty cases have been transferred to Kirkuk General Hospital, with four critical cases among them,’’ said Muhammad al-Mussawi, the head of the Popular Mobilization Forces in the Kirkuk area, including Taza. The Islamic State has kept up heavy bombardment of the area for at least three months. One local security official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to brief the news media, said this was the first time a chemical attack was suspected, given the number of people made ill immediately after the bombardment. He said he believed that the attack had used chlorine gas, though there was no independent confirmation available. Omar Al-Jawoshy contributed reporting from Baghdad. Although the poison gas is not concentrated enough to be deadly, an official said, it could maim people. ‘‘When you want to lay off an employee there is considerable legal and financial risk,’’ he said. ‘‘In France, to lay someone off, you’ve got to be totally documented, so you won’t be accused of an ‘abusive firing.’’’ Mr. Valls’s departures from leftist orthodoxy, however, run the risk of breaking his own Socialist Party. ‘‘Why are they doing this one year away’’ from the election, groaned Socialist parliamentary deputy Catherine Lemorton in an interview Wednesday — ‘‘this law which offends so much of our electorate, or what’s left of it?’’ Mr. Valls, pugnacious and combative, boxes in his spare time, and the law was introduced with characteristic brusqueness and little explanation. The reaction has been explosive. For weeks the Socialist Party’s rank and file have cried betrayal. Hundreds of thousands have signed an online petition demanding that the government scrap its reform plan. Deputies in Parliament have revolted. The unions — ‘‘it’s a return to the 19th century,’’ grumbled one leader — have vowed to kill the plan. One of the leading Socialist lights, the mayor of Lille, Martine Aubry, who wrote France’s 35-hour workweek as a government minister, wrote a furious editorial in Le Monde declaring: ‘‘Not this, not us, not the left!’’ On Wednesday, as the government hunkered down to ponder its dwindling options, thousands of demonstrators — workers, union officials, students — poured into the streets of the country’s cities. The student mobilization against the plan was especially strong. ‘‘That kind of society, we don’t want anything to do it!’’ read one of the student demonstration banners at the Place de la République in Paris. This baffled government officials who said it was designed with students in mind, to open up more long-term employment and diminish exploitative short-term jobs. ‘‘They want to make us Kleenex employees, throwaway employees!’’ said Patricia Deschamp, an Air France worker handing out leaflets at the big demonstration near the employers’ federation here on the Left Bank. ‘‘We have minimal security now, and we will have even less after,’’ she said. Yet the agitated crowds were in the streets for a level of protection far higher than in many developed countries and against a reform that even its defenders characterized as no more than mild. The main provision puts a cap on payouts to laid-off employees, based on seniority. Labor-court judges would not have near-limitless discretion to award huge payouts. Equally infuriating to the unions, the law defines more precisely when a company can invoke ‘‘economic’’ reasons to justify layoffs. Workers who refuse to go along with temporary workload increases in the event of increased business could be laid off, too. ‘‘It will simplify the procedures to layoffs,’’ said Philippe Aghion, a Harvard economist who is French and who lectures at the prestigious Collège de France. ‘‘You won’t have to go through endless judicial procedures. There will be less discretion for the judges. Now, there is enormous discretion on the amount.’’ The uncertainty factor is a killer for hiring, the business owners say. ‘‘All we are asking for is a limit on the ceiling,’’ said Mr. Asselin, whose company is a leader in the restoration of France’s historic buildings. ‘‘Now, there are no limits,’’ he said. ‘‘Sometimes the fines are so big they endanger the employer. So today, it is risky to hire people.’’ The unions here, keen to protect their already-employed members, speak relatively little about the ranks of the unemployed. Yet many economists contend that the French level of protection for workers is poisonous to the job market. ‘‘There is a large body of evidence that increasing levels of protection for existing workers is detrimental to the labor market, particularly on weaker categories of workers, the young and women,’’ said Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, a French economist who teaches at the University of California, Berkeley. ‘‘If we want to address the fact that it’s a labor market that excludes many, many people from a decent level of job protection by forcing them into shortterm jobs, we have to address these conditions,’’ he said. ‘‘The current administration has accepted this perspective.’’ France, however, is a difficult country to reform, as Mr. Aghion and others pointed out. Cultural shifts like those proposed by the current government always bring people into the streets here. ‘‘We are a country of revolutionaries and conservatives, at the same time,’’ said Marc Lazar, a historian at the Institut d’Études Politiques. Playing into this is the French left’s deep attachment to ‘‘advances acquired in the past,’’ Mr. Lazar said. The prevailing sentiment is that ‘‘you shouldn’t touch the labor code, because we prefer equality to liberty, protection to adventure.’’ Lilia Blaise contributed reporting. French divided on labor overhaul FRANCE, FROM PAGE 1 THOMAS SAMSON/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE A protest at the Place de la République in Paris on Wednesday. The proposed labor-law changes would make it easier to dismiss workers. 4 Balkan countries block migrant flow LONDON BY SEWELL CHAN The route that more than one million migrants have used to traverse southeastern Europe was effectively shut down on Wednesday, when four Balkan nations stopped waving the migrants through on their journey northward. The four countries — Slovenia, Serbia, Croatia and Macedonia — have closed their borders to new migrants with the implicit backing of the European Union, which announced an agreement with Turkey on Tuesday to slow the flow of migrants. The deal has not been finalized — that is supposed to happen at a summit meeting next week. But within hours of the announcement from Brussels, Slovenia and Serbia announced new restrictions on the entry of migrants. ‘‘From midnight, there will be no more migration on the Western Balkan route as it took place so far,’’ the interior minister of Slovenia, Vesna Gyorkos Znidar, said on Tuesday evening. Serbia quickly followed suit on Wednesday. ‘‘Serbia cannot allow itself to become a collective center for refugees, so it will harmonize all its measures with those of the E.U. member states,’’ the country’s Interior Ministry said in a statement. Prime Minister Tihomir Oreskovic of Croatia said at a news conference on Wednesday: ‘‘The message is clear. Illegal migrants will no longer pass along this route.’’ About 2,000 migrants a day are entering Greece, observers have reported. ‘‘Lots of misery here at Idomeni border as 13K are trapped, 2 days of rains forecast,’’ Peter Bouckaert, the emergencies director at Human Rights Watch, wrote on Twitter on Wednesday morning, referring to the Greek village near the Macedonian border, where people have been pouring through in recent months, under increasingly miserable conditions. On Wednesday night, Mr. Bouckaert said, migrants appeared to be leaving Idomeni for other points within Greece as word of the blocked route through the Balkans rippled through the encampments. The situation in much of the region seemed wretched, though not nearly as bad as the scenes of migrants stranded at the Budapest train station and at a camp in Calais, France, that became known as the Jungle. In Slovenia, about 460 of the nearly 478,000 migrants who entered the country since last October have applied for asylum there; the rest moved northward, with hopes of reaching Germany and Sweden and other countries viewed as more friendly to asylum seekers. In Croatia, 408 migrants are stuck in a camp in a small northern town of Slavonski Brod. ‘‘We’re in the process of defining the terms of their return to Greece,’’ Croatia’s interior minister, Vlaho Orepic, said on Wednesday, without further explanation. United Nations officials say there are around 1,000 migrants in Serbia and 1,500 in Macedonia. In northern Macedonia, 437 people were stranded, unable to enter Serbia but unwilling to return to the squalid conditions of the reception center in the northern village of Tabanovce, where some 1,000 people were stuck. Many were women and children. As many as 2,000 people were stranded in Serbia, the United Nations refugee agency reported. Greece remains the largest bottleneck; around 34,000 migrants are scattered around the country, on islands close to the Turkish coast; in the capital, Athens; and in the country’s secondlargest city, Thessaloniki. The European Union has given tacit approval to the actions of these countries, as it strives to restore order to the asylum-seeking process, and to restore the integrity of the Schengen area, the 26-nation passport-free travel zone that is one of the bloc’s most tangible accomplishments. Slovenia and Croatia are members of the European Union, and Serbia and Macedonia hope to join the bloc. Of the four countries, only Slovenia is part of the Schengen area. (Greece is also part of Schengen.) Reporting was contributed by Matthew Brunwasser from Sofia, Bulgaria; Aleksandar Dimishkovski from Skopje, Macedonia; James Kanter from Brussels; and Joseph Orovic from Zadar, Croatia. INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES6 | THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 . . . . dior.com BY VANESSA FRIEDMAN A long, strange season it has been. One filled with ambiguity, rumor and infighting (Show now, sell now! Over my dead body!), that aside from some discernible trends — an elongated silhouette; leopard;thecontinuingpopularityoflingerie dresses; the haute puffa jacket — has left most questions as yet unresolved. Who will run Dior? Don’t know. What about Lanvin? The latest name whispered in the wings is Bouchra Jarrar. Is Hedi Slimane staying at Saint Laurent? Your guess is as good as mine. Do shows matter, or is it all about Instagram now? Ah, for that we have a response. ‘‘Social media makes people think everything is accessible’’ said Maria Grazia Chiuri, a creative director of Valentino, backstage before the show. She was to dancers past: Merce Cunningham and Martha Graham, Pina Bausch and Diaghilev. Some of it was wearable (pristine white shirts wrapped like a warm-up sweater, with a dark ribbon at the waist and ribs; pleated schoolgirl skirts and exacting navy coats), and some of it less so (a nude suede dress with draped spaghetti-strap bodice, the skirt sliced into studded ribbons to play with, and expose, the legs; a crinoline tutu). Though that was not the point. The effect — material doing fouettés and chassés around the body — was. The theme gave the designers leave to express their penchant for couturelevel ornamentation via floating layers Swiss Alps in a fluffy fur, flowers and lederhosen fantasy at Moncler Gamme Rouge, complete with pretend snow and real cow bells. They moved to social commentary: Miuccia Prada’s high/low mélange of the bourgeois and the bohemian at Miu Miu with denim jackets done up like evening wear, cotton boxers, tapestry maxi skirts, tweed jodhpurs, little velvet dresses and bombshell brocades (and shorts). And they ultimately reached the sublime: Iris van Herpen’s 18 stations of the future. Eighteen women faced 18 ‘‘olfactory light screens,’’ rectangular panels that refracted the light and reflected and distorted the woman (and dress) behind, doubling her image and transforming the audience into both voyeur and backstage visitor, and allowing the woman to dance, as it were, with herself. That’s not to mention the dress she might be wearing: a familiar neat little sheath, rendered extraordinary by technology and imagination. One lacy spider web was laser-cut from wool; another knitted in micropleats from steel and wool to create a dense, swirling, exoskeleton; another composed of glistening 3-D printed, transparent laser-cut hexagons (5,000 of them) as airy and alluring as soap bubbles. Yet another was made from intensely light tulle fused with iridescent strips so the ‘‘fabric’’ looked like liquid mercury. Why Ms. van Herpen’s name is not often mentioned in contention for one ofthemyriadcreativedirectorjobsavailable is one of fashion’s great mysteries. If her clothes were singular, however, it was atLouis Vuitton that things got,literally, monumental. The artistic director Nicolas Ghesquière constructed three enormous geometric shapes — a sphere, a square, a pyramid — and filled them with the ruins of a glittering Atlantis. The better to excavate not just his own aesthetic history (and that of his house), but that of the collections thus far. Columns covered in shattered mirrors reflected a story of motor sports and the military told in patent leather and wool. The rise of the machines was woven into graphic knit bodysuits and dresses, and ivory silk slip dresses came paired with leather breastplates or etched with sequined scratches, like lace or mud (it was hard to tell), a train suspended from the narrowest strap on one side. Road warriors were spliced with romance and a bit of the weird — a combination that also pretty much describes the underlying genome of the women’s wear month. While it wasn’t mythic, it did have its moments. ONLINE: PARIS PARTIES The model Hailey Baldwin at the L’Oréal party. The full story at nytimes.com/fashion .=IDE2=HEI standing next to Pierpaolo Piccioli, her co-creative director, both wearing black trouser suits and white shirts (Mr. Piccioli also had on a black tie; Ms. Chiuri, a handful of rings) and talking about performance art. Which for them is a synonym for a show. ‘‘But what social media cannot provide is a sense of the emotion of a group experience,’’ she continued. ‘‘We think our job is not just to do things you can consume, because you can see and lovebeautywithoutbuying it. It is to give that shared happening.’’ So they did. Against piano music by John Cage and Philip Glass played live on a baby grand set amid the runway came an ode of tulle embroidered with clouds, or folkloric runes, or feathered wings. It’s beautiful, no question, but it’s also beginning to seem almost rote. (Oh, look: another amazing bit of beading; uhhuh; what’s next?) The best pieces had the strict perfection of silk jersey, shirred at the shoulders and prepped for an arabesque. Subconsciously, they made you point your toes. But for that, you had, as they say, to be there. In the end, Paris was replete with these grace notes; felicitous, if occasionally head-spinning, reminders of why this circus exists. They started with the surreal — Giambattista Valli’s spun-sugar ode to the LAUREN FLEISHMAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Mapping the season’s genome LOUIS VUITTON IRIS VAN HERPEN MIU MIU MONCLER GAMME ROUGE VALENTINO VALERIO MEZZANOTTI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES (LOUIS VUITTON, VALENTINO, MIU MIU, MONCLER), REGIS COLIN BERTHELIER/NOWFASHION (VAN HERPEN) THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 | 7INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES . . . . middle east asia world news Biden condemns Palestinian violence JERUSALEM BY ISABEL KERSHNER In an unusually stinging critique, Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. said on Wednesday that the United States not only deplored a recent wave of Palestinian attacks in Israel but also ‘‘condemns the failure to condemn these acts.’’ It appeared to be a veiled reference to Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the Palestinian Authority, whom Mr. Biden was scheduled to meet hours later. Mr. Biden made the statement as he stood beside Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, one day after a Palestinian man fatally stabbed an American graduate student and injured several other tourists and Israelis not far from where Mr. Biden was meeting with a former Israeli president, Shimon Peres. ‘‘This cannot become an accepted modus operandi,’’ Mr. Biden said. ‘‘This cannot be viewed by civilized leaders as an appropriate way in which to behave.’’ Mr. Biden was scheduled to meet with Mr. Abbas at the Palestinian Authority’s headquarters, in the West Bank city of Ramallah, later on Wednesday. Mr. Biden’s two-day visit to Israel and the Palestinian territories came against the backdrop of simmering tension between the Netanyahu government and the White House, including a canceled meeting with President Obama and unresolved differences over a new American military aid package for Israel. But the disagreements were quickly overtaken by a sudden surge in Palestinian violence, including the multiple stabbing attack that killed the American — Taylor Force, 28, a first-year M.B.A. student at Vanderbilt University — soon after Mr. Biden landed on Tuesday. The stabbing occurred along a popular seafrontpromenadeinJaffa,abuttingTel Aviv,andnotfarfromarestaurantwhere Mr. Biden’s wife, daughter-in-law and two grandchildren were having dinner. ‘‘It just brings home that it can happen anywhere at any time,’’ Mr. Biden said of the violence. Mr. Netanyahu said he appreciated Mr. Biden’s ‘‘strong condemnation of terrorism.’’ ‘‘Nothing justifies these attacks,’’ Mr. Netanyahu added. ‘‘But unfortunately President Abbas has not only refused to condemn these terrorist attacks, his Fatah party actually praised the murderer of this American citizen as a Palestinian martyr and a hero.’’ Mr. Force had served as an Army officer, including tours in Iraq and Afghanistan. He was the latest victim in a five-month wave of Palestinian attacks that have already killed about 30 Israelis, a Palestinian bystander and an 18year-old American student, Ezra Schwartz, who was fatally shot in the West Bank in November. About 180 Palestinians have also been killed, most while carrying out attacks, or suspected of attempting attacks, and others in clashes with Israeli security forces. Condemnations aside, the spike in deadly violencealsohighlightedthegaping distance between Mr. Netanyahu’s government and the Obama administration regarding the impasse in the peace process with the Palestinians. And it was likely to fan Israeli concerns over a possible push by Mr. Obama to lay down the outlines of an agreement for the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel in the final leg of his term. ‘‘The status quo has to break somewhere along the line, in terms of a twostate solution,’’ Mr. Biden said at the joint news conference. ‘‘Even though it may be hard to see the path ahead, we continue to encourage all sides to take steps to move back toward the path of peace,’’ he added. Mr. Netanyahu made it clear that he did not think this was the time to advance Palestinian statehood. Pointing to the challenges Israel faces, hesaid,‘‘Thefirstoneisthepersistentincitement in Palestinian society that glorifies murderers of innocent people and calls for a Palestinian state not to live in peace with Israel, but to replace Israel.’’ The rush of Palestinian shooting and knife attacks continued on Wednesday. Two armed Palestinian men in a car fired shots in a Jerusalem suburb, the police said, then drove to a bustling thoroughfare outside the Old City, where Israeli police officers fatally shot them. A resident of East Jerusalem was also badly injured. Soon after, a teenage Palestinian assailant tried to stab Israeli soldiers at a checkpoint in the occupied West Bank and was killed at the scene, and a Palestinian woman entered a Jewish settlement with a knife and was arrested, according to the Israeli authorities. Mr. Netanyahu said his government had taken many steps in recent months against Palestinian violence and would now be taking ‘‘even stronger measures.’’ The Israeli government plans to close gaps in its West Bank barrier to prevent Palestinians without permits from entering Israel, and to try to clamp down on news media broadcasting incitement to violence. Some government ministers have called for the families of Palestinian assailants from the West Bank or Jerusalem to be banished to Gaza. Hanna Amira, a member of the executive committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, told Voice of Palestine radio that he thought the solution should be ‘‘political and not security-oriented.’’ ‘‘What is happening today is a Palestinian reaction to Israel’s occupation and the lack of any political horizon,’’ he said before Mr. Biden’s meeting with Mr. Abbas. Mr. Amira called on the United States ‘‘to pressure Israel into halting its occupation measures.’’ POOL PHOTO BY DEBBIE HILL Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., left, in Jerusalem on Wednesday with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Mr. Biden directed a veiled rebuke at Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian leader, saying, ‘‘This cannot be viewed by civilized leaders as an appropriate way in which to behave.’’ Iran stages 2nd day of missile-firing drills TEHRAN BY THOMAS ERDBRINK The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps of Iran conducted a second successive day of missile tests on Wednesday, firing two rockets that it said hit targets over 850 miles away. The missiles were launched from the eastern part of the Alborz mountain range that hugs the Caspian Sea in northern Iran, the semiofficial news agency Tasnim reported. While Iran has riled conservative critics of the nuclear deal with a succession of missile tests, it is not clear whether the latest activity violates any proscriptions. Before the signing of the accord with the United States and international powers, Iran was barred under United Nations Security Council Resolution 1929 from any work on ballistic missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads. That resolution was revoked with the nuclear deal and replaced by Security Council Resolution 2231, which ‘‘calls upon’’ Iran to abstain from such activity. Tehran says that it has a right to pursuedefensiveweaponssystemsandthat, since it has given up any semblance of a nuclear program, it cannot in any event be working on a nuclear capability. ‘‘We have huge reserves of various range ballistic missiles that are ready to target enemies and their aims, at any time, from different points of the country,’’ Brig. Gen. Hossein Salami, the deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards, told reporters on the sidelines of the missile-firing drills in Kavir, Qum Province, the semiofficial Fars news agency reported. The Obama administration concluded that an earlier round of missile tests in the fall violated the new resolution and prepared a list of sanctions against individuals and businesses involved in the launchings. It then infuriated congressional Republicans by delaying its application until after the nuclear deal went into effect. The administration has not yet said whether it believes these tests violate the resolution. A State Department official said the matter would be raised at the Security Council, and congressional Republicans promised to introduce new sanctions against Iran. Iranian commanders seemed to go out of their way to antagonize Western governments, as well as to impress upon regional rivals like Saudi Arabia the extent of their arsenal. ‘‘Taking into account that Hezbollah has stored more than 100,000 missiles,’’ General Salami said, ‘‘the Islamic Republic possesses 10 times more missiles of different types, and its power is unlimited.’’ Coming on a day when Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. was meeting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem, the second round of tests seemed also to be aimed at provoking an Israeli reaction. The head of the Revolutionary Guards’ missile program, Brig. Gen. Amir Ali Hajizadeh, said the rockets had a range of about 1,200 miles and were capable of hitting the ‘‘Zionist regime,’’ Iran’s name for Israel, the semiofficial news agency Mehr reported. Fars reported that the missiles had text written on them in Hebrew saying, ‘‘Israel must be wiped off the face of the earth,’’ an allusion to the famous declaration by the former Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. But the missiles seen in photographs of the launch did not seem to carry any text. Mr. Biden did not directly address the tests,buthedidspeakaboutIran’snuclear ambitions in relation to regional security and Mr. Netanyahu’s well-known opposition to the nuclear deal. ‘‘A nucleararmed Iran is an absolutely unacceptable threat to Israel, to the region and the United States,’’ he said. ‘‘If, in fact, they break the deal, we will act.’’ TIMA, VIA REUTERS One of the launches Wednesday. A general claimed Iran was capable of striking Israel. Tests appear designed to provoke the West, but no sign of broken pledges Court shuts down nuclear plant in Japan TOKYO BY JONATHAN SOBLE A court in Japan on Wednesday ordered one of only two nuclear power plants operating in the country to shut down, citing insufficient safety measures put in place after meltdowns at the facility in Fukushima five years ago. The plant, Takahama Nuclear Power Plant, had been online for only two months after an extended freeze on atomic power in Japan in the aftermath of the March 2011 Fukushima disaster. Japan’s government and its power companies have struggled to get the nuclear industry back on its feet. Despite new safety standards introduced in 2013, much of the public remains wary. Only a handful of the more than 40 operable reactors in the country have met the new rules, and lawsuits have made it difficult to restart them. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s government sees a revival of nuclear power as critical to supporting economic growth and slowing an exodus of Japanese manufacturing to lower-cost countries. Electricity prices have risen 20 percent or more since the Fukushima disaster because of increased imports of fossil fuels, though the recent drop in oil prices has taken some of the pressure off. The court ruling on Wednesday added a new twist to the legal battles over nuclear power. Judges have prohibited idled plants from being put back into service, but the judgment against Takahama was the first in which a facility that had been restarted was ordered to shut down. Takahama’s owner, Kansai Electric Power Company, brought one reactor at the facility back online in January and another last month. The court, which is in Otsu, Shiga Prefecture, said neither restart should have happened. It was responding to a request for an injunction filed by residents, who said the plant’s owner had underestimated the size of earthquakes that could strike the plant and had not made adequately detailed plans to evacuate people living nearby in case of an accident. Safety regulators say Takahama meets Japan’s new safety guidelines, which address such issues. But the court ruled for the plaintiffs, saying there were ‘‘points of concern in accident prevention, emergency response plans and the formulation of earthquake models.’’ Kansai Electric said it would appeal. FAMILY COURT OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK COUNTY OF NASSAU File # 583999 Docket #: B-10697-15 SUMMONS In the Matter of the Commitment of Guardianship and Custody pursuant to § 384-b of the Social Services Law of A Child Under the Age of Eighteen Years Taylor Laine Godt (DOB: 8/3/2014), IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK To: Christina D Godt A petition having been filed in this Court, alleging that the children should be committed to the guardianship and custody of the Department of Social Services, a copy of the petition annexed hereto: YOU ARE HEREBY SUMMONED to appear before this Court on Date/Time: March 29, 2016 at 9:00 AM Part: 2 Floor/Room: Floor 2/Room 204 Presiding: Hon. Judge Robin M. Kent Location: Nassau County Family Courthouse, 1200 Old Country Road, Westbury, NY 11590 to show cause why the Court should not enter an order committing the guardianship and custody of the child to the petitioning Nassau County Department of Social Services as provided by law. PLEASE TAKE NOTICE that if guardianship and custody of the child are committed to the petitioning Nassau County Department of Social Services, the child may be adopted with the consent of an authorizing agency, without your consent or further notice to you. PLEASE TAKE FURTHER NOTICE that you have the right to be represented by a lawyer, and if the Court finds that you are unable to pay for a lawyer, you have the right to a lawyer assigned by the Court. In the event of your default, the Court may hear and determine the petition, as provided by law. Dated: February 23, 2016 Rosalie Fitzgerald, Clerk of Court Legal Notices INYT Classifieds INNOVATIVE STORYTELLING FROM AROUND THE WORLD Explore INYT.com 8 | THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES . . . . Immeuble le Lavoisier, 4, place des Vosges, 92400 Courbevoie France. POSTAL ADDRESS: CS 10001, 92052 Paris La Défense Cedex. Tel: +33 1 41 43 93 00 E-Mail: inyt@nytimes.com Internet address: inyt.com Subscriptions: inytsubs@nytimes.com Tel: +33 1 41 43 93 61 Classified: +44 (0) 20 7061 3534/3533 Regional Offices: Asia-Pacific: #1201, 191 Java Road, Hong Kong Tel. +852 2922 1188 Fax: +852 2922 1190 U.K.: 18 Museum Street, London WC1A 1JN Tel. +44 (0) 20 7061 3500 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7061 3529 The Americas: 620 Eighth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10018 Advertising Tel. +1 212 556 7707 Fax: +1 212 556 7706, Circulation Tel. (toll free) +1 800 882 2884 or +1 818 487 4540 Fax: +1 818 487 4550 ihtus@espcomp.com IHT S.A.S. au capital de 240.000 ¤. RCS Nanterre B 732021126. Commission Paritaire No. 0518 C 83099 ©2016, The New York Times Company. All rights reserved. ISSN: 2269-9740. Material submitted for publication may be transferred to electronic databases. To submit an opinion article, email opinion@nytimes.com. To submit a letter to the editor, email inytletters@nytimes.com. STEPHEN DUNBAR-JOHNSON, President, International PHILIPPE MONTJOLIN, Senior V.P., International Operations JEAN-CHRISTOPHE DEMARTA, Senior V.P., Global Advertising ACHILLES TSALTAS, V.P., International Conferences CHANTAL BONETTI, V.P., International Human Resources CHARLOTTE GORDON, V.P., International Consumer Marketing PATRICE MONTI, V.P., International Circulation HELENA PHUA, Executive V.P., Asia-Pacific SUZANNE YVERNÈS, International Chief Financial Officer ARTHUR OCHS SULZBERGER JR., Publisher DEAN BAQUET, Executive Editor TOM BODKIN, Creative Director JOSEPH KAHN, Assistant Editor RICHARD W. STEVENSON, Editor, Europe PHILIP P. PAN, Editor, Asia ANDREW ROSENTHAL, Editorial Page Editor TERRY TANG, Deputy Editorial Page Editor MARK THOMPSON, Chief Executive Officer, The New York Times Company STEPHEN DUNBAR-JOHNSON, Président et Directeur de la Publication Opinion Anne Balay Mona Shattell It might seem like a good time to be a long-haul trucker: More than ever, the American economy relies on hundreds of thousands of 18-wheelers to move goods across the country. But the industry is in crisis, with drivers leaving in droves because of low pay and poor working conditions. A big part of the problem is that when it comes to long-haul trucking, the government’s focus has been almost entirely on road safety. That’s not a misplaced concern; highway accidents involving semis kill about 5,000 people per year. But it overlooks a critical concern: the well-being of the drivers themselves. We have inside knowledge of the trucking industry and the kinds of working conditions that truckers endure every day. One of us — Professor Balay — is a former long-haul trucker who does ethnographic research on blue-collar workers. The other, Professor Shattell, is a researcher and registered nurse who has studied the mental, physical and sexual health of truckers. We know better than most why the allure of long-haul trucking is so strong: Behind the wheel of a semi, drivers feel connected to — almost one with — all that power. The job involves a high degree of skill and focus; floating the gears takes coordination and timing, maneuvering that bulk takes visual perceptiveness and courage, and surviving against the odds of weather, mountains, construction zones, cultural scorn and boredom takes a certain kind of toughness. Truckers take pride in their work, especially given that there are precious few other meaningful blue-collar jobs out there these days. And yet when it comes to the operation of those big machines, the federal government seems to have forgotten that there are actual people behind the wheel. Drivers are largely regulated by the Department of Transportation, through the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, not the Department of Labor. That allows the government to address highway safety through things like maximum driving hours, mandatory rest times and annual physicals. Such steps are meant to keep our roads safe, and they indirectly help drivers. But it also leaves them exposed to inhumane and demeaning work conditions, including abusive amounts of surveillance and micromanaging. Truckers are told what route to take, where to buy gas and for how much, when and where to sleep. They work 14-hour days routinely and continuously, often without weekends, sick pay or holiday pay. They drive 11 of those hours, and perform other work Ananya Vajpeyi NEW DELHI Of the many protests to convulse public universities across India in recent weeks, the one held on Feb. 23, in which thousands of students, faculty and activists marched through central Delhi demanding ‘‘Justice for Rohith,’’ was the largest and perhaps the most palpably indignant. A month before, Rohith Vemula, a 26year-old Ph.D. student at the University of Hyderabad, in southern India, hanged himself from the ceiling fan in a friend’s hostel room. Mr. Vemula was raised by his single working mother, who is from a ‘‘scheduled caste,’’ the lowest rung of the hierarchical system that structures traditional Hindu society, and which used to be deemed ‘‘untouchable’’ until India’s independence in 1947. Mr. Vemula identified as Dalit, a word meaning ‘‘crushed’’ or ‘‘ground down’’ and refers to the oppression, often violent, suffered by scheduled castes over centuries of Indian history. Mr. Vemula had secured admission to a prestigious graduate science program, as well as a highly competitive national research fellowship. He was a brilliant scholar and a popular and vociferous campus activist for the rights of disenfranchised communities. He killed himself because of relentless caste discrimination. He left behind a searing suicide note: ‘‘The value of a man was reduced to his immediate identity and nearest possibility. To a vote. To a number. To a thing. Never was a man treated as a mind.’’ Mr. Vemula’s suicide — hardly a rarity among Dalits at India’s best universities — is emblematic of the problems of the country’s affirmative action program. Within a few years after independence, India had set aside for Dalits and other disadvantaged castes about 23 percent of government jobs and seats in public universities. Today, the reservations apply to many more groups and cover about 50 percent of such posts and seats. But numerical improvement does not an equal society make. Dalit students still come from severe poverty. They lead de facto segregated lives on nominally diverse and inclusive campuses. They still face daunting disadvantages in the job market even after they graduate with degrees. The ability of ‘‘reserved’’ candidates is always suspect, regardless of their performance. The gap between the high and the low castes, between so-called backward and forward communities, not only persists, it also manifests itself through ever-more subtle and complex forms of discrimination and violence. Being the beneficiary of reservations can itself be a stigma. B.R. Ambedkar, a Dalit and an architect of India’s 1950 Constitution, warned the Constituent Assembly in 1949 that the political revolution inspired by Moabout Ambedkar’s dream of a genuinely equal society. Caste, instead of withering away as Indian democracy matures, has asserted itself in new ways. Mr. Vemula viscerally understood this unhappy truth. Since August 2015, he had faced the hostility of university authorities for being politically engaged and unusually articulate. In just one semester, he had lost his hostel accommodation, his monthly stipend and access to the classroom. For several nights leading up to his suicide, during the coldest stretch of the winter, he had camped on mattresses and blankets set outside the hostel’s gates. A few other students were with him, and they wryly referred to their makeshift arrangement as a ‘‘Dalit ghetto.’’ Mr. Vemula’s fault was not simply being a Dalit. He was also a leader in the Ambedkar Students Association, which actively campaigned to ‘‘educate, agitate and organize’’ students, following a rousing slogan from Ambedkar. The group’s members discussed not only Dalit issues, but also other controversial matters: the death penalty; Kashmir’s problematic relationship with the Indian union; communal violence against minorities, especially Muslims, in what is an officially secular nation. Worse perhaps, Mr. Vemula had gained admission to the University of Hyderabad in the general, nonreserved category — meaning that his trajectory had not followed the standard script of marginality and exclusion. Politically aware and assertive youth like him face the brunt of double discrimination: Not only are they Dalit, but they refuse the victimhood expected of them. Contrast that with groups that traditionally have been better off but increasingly are calling themselves victims in order to claim special protection. Castes like Jats in Haryana, Patidars in Gujarat, Marathas in Maharashtra and Kapus in Andhra Pradesh have been agitating recently, asking to benefit from reservations, even though they often are wealthy or own land. India started opening up its economy at the same time that the Mandal recommendations were being debated. By the mid-2000s, overall prosperity increased, lifting many poor people into the middle class. But liberalization, along with urbanization, also created unforeseen types of inequality. The so-called dominant castes agitating for reservations fall between two stools: the old model of social justice, meant principally for the weakest of the weak, and the gains brought on by the free market. The sociologist Satish Deshpande refers to them as the ‘‘backward forwards.’’ ‘‘My birth is my fatal accident,’’ Mr. Vemula wrote in his suicide note. But his birth as a citizen of democratic India should have been a guarantee of dignity, opportunity and respect. He also wrote that he blamed no one. Yet there are culprits: his fellow Indians who have embraced democracy without understanding that its first principle is equality for all. ANANYA VAJPEYI, an associate fellow with the Center for the Study of Developing Societies, in New Delhi, is the author of ‘‘Righteous Republic: The Political Foundations of Modern India.’’ for the remaining three: loading, vehicle maintenance and a lot of waiting. This mistreatment doesn’t just harm the drivers. By forcing experienced workers to leave the industry, it leads employers to hire younger and less capable drivers. Under pressure from the industry, last month the Senate approved a pilot program that will allow 18-year-olds to drive semis across state lines, even though the 18to 21-year-old demographic has one of the highest accident rates. It also undermines truck-safety rules themselves: As long as drivers aren’t behind the wheel, the Department of Transportation lets employers do what they want with their drivers — which usually means they get back on the road unrested and irritated, hardly the person you want driving an 18wheeler. None of this is a secret; drivers have been raising concerns for years. But rather than improving working conditions and increasing requirements for rest, or regulating the companies themselves, legislators typically respond to truck-accident rates by amping up surveillance of truck drivers. Often speed is ‘‘governed,’’ with the truck unable to go over a specific speed; in other cases a sensor measures the distance from the front of the truck to the vehicle ahead, automatically braking if the space is deemed insufficient. Some companies even have two-way cameras trained on truck drivers 24/7. (Meanwhile, a new rule limiting a trucker’s workweek to 70 hours, down from 82, has been suspended since 2014.) It’s not that Congress hasn’t tried; it’s that the few labor laws that do exist have been passed piecemeal, so they do more harm than good. Take a recent rule requiring that truckers with sleep apnea use a continuous positive airway pressure machine when they’re asleep in their trucks. The machines are supposed to help truckers sleep better, which is great. But they also need power to run, more power than a truck battery can provide, so truckers have to run their engines. But many states forbid drivers to idle their trucks. So truckers often can’t win — they must break one of these laws. No wonder they leave. The solution isn’t easy, but it is straightforward. Congress needs to give the Department of Labor the power to regulate truck drivers’ working conditions, and mandate that it coordinate its policies with the Department of Transportation. The upshot should be to extend the variety of workplace protections available to almost all American workers to the millions of men and women driving the nation’s commercial trucking fleet. After all, the best way to protect the people driving alongside America’s long-haul trucks is to protect the people behind the wheel of those trucks, too. ANNE BALAY, a visiting assistant professor at Haverford College, is the author of ‘‘Steel Closets: Voices of Gay, Lesbian, and Transgender Steelworkers’’ and a former long-haul trucker. MONA SHATTELL is a professor of nursing at Rush University. You would think that if the leader of a country friendly to America likened a serious contender for the American presidency to two of the premier villains of the 20th century, it would set off an uproar. But Donald Trump has so debased the tone of the presidential race that there was hardly a murmur when President Enrique Peña Nieto of Mexico did just that this week. Not only was there no way Mexico would pay for Mr. Trump’s wall along the border, but that sort of demagogy, Mr. Peña Nieto said, was ‘‘how Mussolini got in, that’s how Hitler got in.’’ That may be a natural reaction given all the hatred Mr. Trump has hurled at Mexico. But Mr. Peña Nieto is not alone among people around the world increasingly frightened by the irresponsible and ignorant pronouncements of a man who could be the Republican nominee. In January, the British Parliament held an extraordinary debate on whether to bar Mr. Trump from Britain on the grounds that his comments about Muslims amounted to ‘‘hate speech’’ (no vote was taken). Last week, Mr. Trump’s exercise in Japan-bashing set off panic in the Japanese Foreign Ministry. In China, his vacillation between proclamations of ‘‘love’’ for the Chinese and fiery pledges of stern action against China for ‘‘ripping us off’’ has left experts and politicians scratching their heads. Spleen and grievance are at the core of Mr. Trump’s thinking about the world. China, Japan, Mexico, Europe all must be made to stop exploiting America’s economy, he says; allies must be made to pay more for American protection; borders must be made impermeable. For America’s closest allies in Europe, who have long counted on the United States to be an anchor of liberal democracy, such talk conjures only alarm. They know from their own difficult experience, both past and present, what to expect of fascistic and xenophobic leaders who appeal to the worst impulses. ‘‘Whether Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen or Geert Wilders — all these right-wing populists are not only a threat to peace and social cohesion, but also to economic development,’’ Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel of Germany told the newspaper Welt am Sonntag. Ms. Le Pen, who has compared Muslim street prayers to the Nazi occupation, is the leader of the far-right National Front party in France, which campaigns mostly on antiimmigrant policies. Mr. Wilders, head of the Dutch farright Party for Freedom, has also raged against Islam. Some Europeans also see Mr. Trump’s reflection in Silvio Berlusconi, the former Italian prime minister and wealthy businessman who embarrassed and harmed his country’s reputation with his quips about Mussolini, his vulgar behavior and his destructive policies. Dealing with an enormously complex and dangerous world is a major responsibility of the president of the United States. And that is why to Mr. Peña Nieto and many others Mr. Trump’s rise is so significant and distressing. The U.S. should learn from the European system, where lifesaving cancer drugs are available in smaller dosages. Given how expensive many cancer drugs are, it is alarming that the government, private insurers and patients spend an estimated $3 billion a year on cancer medicines that are thrown out because they are packaged in unnecessarily large quantities. The Food and Drug Administration ought to figure out ways to reduce this costly waste. A new study of waste in cancer drugs by researchers at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center and the University of Chicago adds to the evidence that drug prices are set to maximize profits for pharmaceutical companies and have only a little to do with the value of those medicines or the cost of research and clinical trials. With most cancer drugs, doctors determine how much is needed based on a patient’s weight, medical condition and other factors. When drugs come in one size, a lot of medicine has to be thrown out. Some drugs that are available in only one size in the United States are available in smaller quantities in Europe. In guidelines issued last year, the F.D.A. told pharmaceutical companies that vials ‘‘should not contain a significant volume beyond what would be considered a usual or maximum dose’’ because that could lead to the inappropriate and hazardous use of leftover drugs. Of course, if the regulators require that the drugs be sold in more sizes, manufacturers could try to recoup lost revenue by raising prices for smaller amounts. Insurers should certainly push back against such increases. But that possibility should not be an excuse against taking sensible steps to reduce waste. READING TRUMP, IN TRANSLATION REDUCE DRUG WASTE The hateful rhetoric has distressed politicians in some countries and left others scratching their heads. The enduring curse of caste Long-haul sweatshops Working conditions for America’s truckers are forcing many to leave the industry. handas K. Gandhi, which had led to India’s freedom from British rule, must be accompanied by a social revolution upholding the ideals of fraternity and dignity for all. Together with other progressive founders of the Indian Republic, Ambedkar helped make social, economic and political justice the first item of business in the statute books. The Constitution they drafted made it a punishable offense to treat anyone as ‘‘untouchable,’’ outlawed discrimination based on caste, and encouraged the state to pass measures correcting its effects. With that, the bare bones of affirmative action — the ‘‘reservations,’’ or quota, system — were in place. Ambedkar believed that within a decade or two quotas would bring about ‘‘the annihilation of caste’’ and become unnecessary. But this was not to be. In the late 1970s the government set up the Mandal Commission to study which other groups, even if not among the lowest castes, might also be suffering from social, economic or educational deprivation. By the early 1990s, India had begun to expand reservations to include the so-called Other Backward Classes. But today it is clear that even the Mandal reforms have failed to bring Instead of withering away as Indian democracy matures, social discrimination has asserted itself in new ways. DANIEL BEREHULAK FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Dalits, or untouchables, traditionally sweep trash and clean overflowing sewage from roadsides in India. THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 | 9INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES . . . . SAVE THE DATE IN COOPERATION WITH UNITED NATIONS DEMOCRACY FUND For general inquiries and sponsorship opportunities, contact Achilles Tsaltas at atsaltas@nytimes.com To find out more, visit athensdemocracyforum.com Be at the forefront of the global debate on the state of liberal democracies and the major challenges they face in the world today. Join us and more than 400 influential figures from politics, business and academia at the Athens Democracy Forum this September. IN COOPERATION WITH CITY OF ATHENS PRINCIPAL SPONSOR SILVER SPONSOR BRONZE SPONSORS September 14-18, 2016 ATHENS DEMOCRACY FORUM GLOBAL CONVERSATION HOSTED BY ROGER COHEN AT THE ANCIENT AGORA PRIVATE TOURS OF THE ACROPOLIS MUSEUM AND ANCIENT AGORA CONFERENCE INCLUDING PAUL KRUGMAN INTERNATIONAL STUDENT DEBATE AT THE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS CONCERT AND DEMOCRACY AWARD AT ODEON HEROD ATTICUS opinion Héctor Tobar Contributing Writer LOS ANGELES In this great season of seething American rage, showmen and rabble-rousers have the floor. Round up the field hands and the busboys and deport them southward, they say. ‘‘Build a wall!’’ they chant at rallies and basketball games. Dip bullets in pigs’ blood for our Muslim enemies. By comparison, we Latino citizens of the United States suffer from a rage deficit. Consider our victimized brothers and sisters, the handcuffed and hunted of Mesoamerica: the Oaxacans and the Guatemalans, and the Hondurans and the many others who cross the sands of the Sonoran Desert to reach the Promised Land. They die in hundreds every year. When was the last time we annoyed you with our outrage about their preventable deaths? The last time one of our leaders unleashed a viral television rant about the failure to enact immigration reform? Our cries of protest and complaint might as well be whispers. And yet .... I figured two recent pieces of news might finally raise the volume of Latino anger. The first was a plan by the Obama administration to conduct raids against hundreds of immigrants who are among the recent wave of refugees from Central American violence. The second was the scandalous treatment of some of those refugees, including minors who were released into the custody of sex traffickers. How could this happen? Do we count for so little? Last century, I was a student who marched and chanted the slogans of the day: ‘‘U.S. out of El Salvador!’’ ‘‘Free Nelson Mandela!’’ Maybe what we need now is a hashtag that summarizes our sense of worth and how we’ve been wronged. Say, #brownlivesmatter. I went to the campus of California State University, Los Angeles, where the student body is more than half Latino, to try out my idea. Think of the undocumented roundups, I told the students I met. Think of our second-class status, even in Los Angeles, where ‘‘Mexican’’ and ‘‘Guatemalan’’ are often synonymous with laborer. ‘‘Isn’t it time for a ‘Brown Lives Matter’ movement?’’ I asked. Almost all the Latino students objected on the ground of cultural appropriation. Black people have suffered enough, they said. Let’s not take their slogan, too. There’s nothing in American history as bad as slavery, a criminal justice major told me. No argument there. And a graphic-design major pointed out, ‘‘Well, you know, a lot of Latino people can pass for white.’’ ‘‘True,’’ I conceded. ‘‘Like Marco Rubio.’’ Sure, these students were angry about the marginalized status of people of Mexican and Central American descent in the United States. One Latina told me how much she resented the ‘‘othering’’ she encountered because of her appearance and Spanish surname: ‘‘People ask me all the time, ‘Where are you from?’ And they don’t mean, ‘Are you from the Valley or Long Beach?’’’ Yet, she didn’t see the need to make a stink about it. Why embarrass herself getting angry just because of some idiot? Herein lies the reason for our anger deficit: We hear the voice of our mothers saying, ‘‘Mijos, you only demean yourself if you lash back at an insult.’’ Please don’t confuse this forbearance with passivity. And don’t call Latinos the ‘‘sleeping giant’’ of American civic life. (That cliché will make me scream.) The Latino students I met resist oppression in a low-key, goal-oriented way. By working full time while getting a degree. By studying to become breadwinners who give back to their communities. And by voting for a candidate likely to support immigration reform. Only a handful, right now, feel the need to take to the streets, like the group arrested after blocking downtown traffic in a protest against deportations — a brave action that was barely a blip on the nation’s radar. One young woman at Cal State told me she felt guilty for not going, given that her own mother is still trying to sort out her immigration papers after more than two decades in the United States. That’s all right, I told her. Getting good grades is also a way of resisting racism — though studiousness alone may not get us to the Promised Land. For that, we’d need an eloquent voice of leadership (think Barack Obama, Philadelphia, 2008). Or a book that changes the national conversation, as ‘‘The Grapes of Wrath’’ or ‘‘The Jungle’’ did. Another half-million people protesting on the streets (as we did here in 2006) wouldn’t hurt. Until then, I’ll supply my rage needs by following a group of writers and comedians known as the Latino Rebels who tweeted sarcastically about how endorsements from anti-immigrant figures like the controversial Arizona sheriff Joe Arpaio would help Donald J. Trump ‘‘do really well with ‘the Hispanics.’’’ A mere squeak amid the cacophony of American fury, but it’s a start. HÉCTOR TOBAR, the author of ‘‘Deep Down Dark: The Untold Stories of 33 Men Buried in a Chilean Mine, and the Miracle That Set Them Free,’’ teaches writing at the University of Oregon. Thomas L. Friedman Donald Trump is a walking political science course. His meteoric rise is lesson No. 1 on leadership: Most voters do not listen through their ears. They listen through their stomachs. If a leader can connect with them on a gut level, their response is: ‘‘Don’t bother me with the details. I trust your instincts.’’ If a leader can’t connect on a gut level, he or she can’t show them enough particulars. They’ll just keep asking, ‘‘Can you show me the details one more time?’’ Trump’s Republican rivals keep thinking that if they just point out a few more details about him, voters will drop The Donald and turn to one of them instead. But you can’t talk voters out of something that they haven’t been talked into. Many have come to Trump out of a gut feeling that this is a guy who knows their pain, even if he really doesn’t. Many of his supporters are from the #middleagewhitemalesmatter movement, for whom the current age of acceleration has not been kind and for whom Trump’s rallies are their way of saying ‘‘Can you hear me now?’’ and of sticking it to all the people who exploited their pain but left them behind, particularly traditional Republican elites. They are not interested in Trump’s details. They like his gut. And no wonder. Those G.O.P. elites sold their own souls and their party so many times to charlatans and plutocrats that you wonder when it’s going to show up on closeout on eBay: ‘‘For sale: The G.O.P. soul. Almost empty. This soul was previously sold to Sarah Palin, the Tea Party anarchists, Rush Limbaugh, Grover Norquist, the gun lobby, the oil industry, the Koch brothers, Sheldon Adelson and Fox News. Will bargain. No offer too low.’’ Normally smart people, like Mitt Romney, discarded all their best instincts to suck up to this ragtag assortment of selfappointed G.O.P. commissars, each representing a different slice of what came to be Republican orthodoxy — climate change is a hoax; abortion, even in the case of rape or incest, is impermissible; even common-sense gun laws must be opposed, no matter how many kids get murdered; taxes must always be cut and safety nets shrunk, no matter what the economic context; Obamacare must be destroyed, even though it was based on a Republican idea; and Iraq was a success even though it was a mess. The G.O.P. became an accretion of ideas that ossified over the years without the party ever stopping to ask afresh: What world are we living in now? What are the dominant trends? And how does America best exploit them by applying conservative values and market-based solutions? The cynicism of today’s G.O.P. could not have been more vividly displayed than when Marco Rubio, John Kasich (a decent guy) and Ted Cruz all declared that they would support the party’s nominee, even if it was Trump, right after telling voters he was a con man. No wonder so many Republicans are voting for Trump on the basis of what they think is in his guts. All the other G.O.P. candidates have none. But even if his support is weakening, Democrats take Trump lightly at their peril. He is still sitting with three aces that he hasn’t played yet. They could all come out in the general election. One ace is that if he wins the nomination he will have no problem moving to the center to appeal to independents and minorities. He will have no problem playing the moderate unifier — and plenty of people will buy it, saying: ‘‘Why not give him a chance? He says he can make us winners.’’ Sure, Mexico will have to pay for that wall, Trump will say, but it will be in ‘‘installments.’’ Deport 11 million illegal immigrants? C’mon, don’t you know an opening bid on an immigration bill when you hear one? Ban all Muslims? Well of course we can’t ban a whole faith community, but Trump will vow to be much harder on visas from certain countries. Have you never read ‘‘The Art of the Deal’’? His second ace is that given the position he staked out on terrorism, if, God forbid, there is a major terrorist attack on our soil between now and Election Day, Trump will reap enormous political benefits. Watch out. I’ve seen how one well-timed terrorist attack tilted an Israeli election. His third ace is that he will indeed go after Hillary Clinton in ways you never heard before and that will delight and bring back a lot of disaffected Republicans, whose hatred of Hillary knows no bounds. ‘‘Did you hear what Trump said about Hillary last night? That she was ‘Bill’s enabler!’ Finally! I will vote for him just for that.’’ Again, beware. But Trump is also holding two jokers with those aces. One of the lessons I learned covering the Middle East is that the only good thing about extremists is that they don’t know when to stop — and in the end, they often do themselves in. See: Saddam Hussein. Trump has already gone places no candidate ever has, even telling us he has a big penis. One day he may go too far (if he hasn’t already) and sever his gut connection with voters. Trump’s other joker is that among those attracted to his gut are racists and fascists with a taste for violence at his rallies. One day they may go too far and do something so ugly, so brownshirt, it will also turn people off to his gut. In short, only Trump can trump Trump. Don’t count on it, but don’t count it out. Sylvie Kauffmann Contributing Writer PARIS Twenty-five years ago, in February 1991, the leaders of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary met in Visegrad, a Hungarian town overlooking the Danube. Those three countries had recently broken free of the Soviet bloc; their newly elected leaders, Lech Walesa, Vaclav Havel and Jozsef Antall, had taken an active part in the liberation. Two, Mr. Havel and Mr. Walesa, had been jailed for their activities. The Visegrad meeting had one central purpose: to accelerate the integration of the three countries into a free, democratic and prosperous Europe, through NATO and what was then the European Economic Community of 12 member states. Western European leaders looked favorably on the Visegrad Group: Central Europeans could practice regional cooperation before joining the adults’ group of what would become the European Union. Visegrad was where the kings of Bohemia, Hungary and Poland parlayed in 1335. Since then, these nations had gone through many wars and occupations, their borders redrawn several times, or even dissolved altogether. Today, the Visegrad bloc is experiencing a resurgence of sorts. In a splintering familiar to Central Europe, the Visegrad Three became four: Czechoslovakia ceased to exist in 1993, giving way to the Czech Republic and Slovakia. All four joined the European Union in 2004. But when they get together today, it is to fight the union. Over the centuries, they have been dominated by Prussia, Austria, Germany and Russia; in 2016, the common enemy is Brussels. To Western Europeans, it is unsettling to see a new East-West divide emerging, threatening to fracture the E.U. itself. The Visegrad countries’ opposition to Brussels is different from Britain’s. They don’t want to leave the union, they just refuse to abide by some of its rules. The Romanian-born French political scientist Pierre Hassner has reminded us of the concept of ‘‘collective neurosis,’’ a notion devised by the Hungarian philosopher Istvan Bibo in his 1946 book ‘‘The Misery of the Small Eastern European States.’’ Bibo described the existential angst of Eastern and Central European states leading sometimes to ‘‘political hysteria.’’ Political hysteria reigns today over the European Commission initiative to assign refugee quotas to each member state. Mr. Havel and Mr. Antall, the voices of reason, have passed away. Mr. Walesa, the hero of the Solidarity movement, is fighting accusations of collaborating with Poland’s former Communist authorities. In parliamentary elections in Slovakia, where Prime Minister Robert Fico has indulged in fierce antiimmigrant rhetoric, a far-right party with neo-Nazi ties just won 14 seats. The new rulers in Warsaw, Prague, Bratislava and Budapest flatly refuse Muslim refugees. They don’t want the ethnic, religious and cultural homogeneity of their societies to change. They see multiculturalism as a failed model. Hearing such messages from Donald Trump or Marine Le Pen is bad enough, but from the leaders of these new democracies? The way these leaders practice democracy, bending the rule of law as far as they can within an elected government, is equally unsettling to the older democracies of Western Europe. Another French political scientist, the Czech-born Jacques Rupnik, has identified two converging trends. ‘‘We are witnessing a democratic regression and identity-related tensions on migration, and both phenomena are strengthening each other,’’ he told me. ‘‘The same nationalist conservative authoritarianism at work in domestic politics also applies to the response to the refugee crisis, notably different from the European Commission’s and most other member states’ responses.’’ Once the poster children of post-Communist transition, these countries were not supposed to take such a turn. With its so-called goulash socialism, Hungary was the most liberal of the Soviet satellites and eased peacefully into democratic rule. Poland was more restless, but once it had been the catalyst for the collapse of Communism, it managed the shock therapy of moving to a market economy with impressive discipline. The Czechs and Slovaks, it was hoped, would behave as Mr. Havel’s enlightened heirs. But no Communist country had ever experienced these radical shifts to democracy and market economics. Only Czechoslovakia had enjoyed genuine democratic rule, between the two world wars. The end of the Cold War made Europeans euphoric: Once democratic institutions were built, free elections held and centralized economies replaced with capitalist ones, everyone assumed the job was done. Joining NATO and the European Union was the icing on the cake. In 2008, with ‘‘end of history’’ hubris, a World Bank report proclaimed that the transition was over. Mission accomplished. Obviously, it was not. The effort to transform the economy was so demanding that little attention was paid to nurturing a new political culture. Modern Hungarian and Polish politics look riven with the legacy of Communism, trouble with sharing power, conspiracy theories and exclusionary discourse toward opponents. Another, overlooked, factor is that most people in these countries are still poor. Despite nonstop economic growth since 1992, Poland’s gross domestic product is only 68 percent of the European Union’s per capita average. When Poland’s foreign minister, Witold Waszczykowski, says the world should not move in one single direction — ‘‘toward a new mix of cultures and races, a world of cyclists and vegetarians’’ — he is rejecting the progressive social values perceived as part of the Western European economic model. The Visegrad bloc has welcomed E.U. subsidies, so crucial to their development. But we in Old Europe never really insisted that a democratic culture and diversity were also part of the deal; we didn’t think we had to. Is the rise of so-called illiberal democracy threatening the union’s cohesion? Maybe. But Euroskeptic populist movements are far from a purely Central European phenomenon; they are also on the move in the union’s founding member states. Twenty-five years after the Visegrad summit, Europe is still searching for unity — but the mood has shifted: from solidarity to recrimination. SYLVIE KAUFFMANN is the editorial director and a former editor in chief of Le Monde. Only Trump can trump Trump Europe’s illiberal democracies Latinos’ slow-burn anger Donald Trump’s opponents think they can break his bond with voters by giving them facts. Just because they’re not taking to the streets doesn’t mean they’re happy with the status quo. The E.U.’s post-Communist eastern states are rebelling against what Brussels considers political norms. INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES10 | THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 . . . . Sports soccer tennis baseball FRANCISCO SECO/ASSOCIATED PRESS Ervin Zukanovic of Roma, left, headed the ball past Real Madrid’s Marcelo as the Spanish club won, 2-0, and advanced in the Champions League. Marcelo’s defense was a soft spot for Real. Rob Hughes GLOBAL SOCCER LONDON Real Madrid needs to win the Champions League the way a capsized crew needs a life raft. Its team, one of the most expensive ever assembled, won at home, 2-0, to complete what looked like a rout of Roma over the two legs. Looks can be deceiving. Though Cristiano Ronaldo scored again for his 90th goal in 123 Champions League appearances, the evidence is that the good ship Real Madrid is less of a force and less complete than Barcelona or Bayern Munich, the two most impressive teams in this year’s tournament. For more than an hour Tuesday in Santiago Bernabéu Stadium, it was Roma that created the better chances. Created, and squandered. If only Roma had a finisher remotely like Ronaldo, it would have comfortably wiped out the two-goal deficit it dug for itself after losing the first leg. ‘‘I’m asking my team to do the impossible,’’ Roma Coach Luciano Spalletti had said before the game in Madrid. ‘‘The way they are training allows me to ask that. But we mustn’t be weak mentally.’’ Roma has excelled in Italy this year — it has won seven straight in Serie A — and Spalletti easily identified the obvious flaw in Madrid’s lineup. He told his players, particularly the speedy Egyptian winger Mohamed Salah, to get behind Madrid’s left back, Marcelo, and create havoc there. Salah did that part to perfection. Marcelo is adventurous at going forward and linking up with Ronaldo, but the Brazilian has barely any inclination to fulfill his defensive duties. Madrid Manager Zinedine Zidane, a marvelous player who now is a rookie coach, appeared happy enough to pick Marcelo. Why? Perhaps because what Zidane best knows and loves about soccer is attacking and exploiting the opponent’s weakness. He did it par excellence as a Real Madrid forward. And earlier this week, one of his players, Raphaël Varane, said, ‘‘He is a coach who loves the game and loves attacking football. He likes movement, moving the ball around quickly and playing higher up the pitch.’’ Marcelo, then, is a definite Zidane pick. But the risks are obvious: On Tuesday night, Salah (twice), Edin Dzeko and Alessandro Florenzi were in good position to score, one on one, against the Madrid goalkeeper Keylor Navas. Only once did the goalkeeper need to show his agility to make the save. The other three shots went wide. And Spalletti’s face on the sideline showed that he feared that once such opportunities came Real Madrid’s way, there would be no such wastefulness. Madrid, to be sure, was carving out its own openings: Statistics had Real having 37 shots on goal to Roma’s 12. But that statistic didn’t tell the whole truth. Most of Real Madrid’s attempts came from long range, against a wellorganized double line of Roma defenders. And most were either off target or so tame they were mere catching practice for Roma keeper Wojciech Szczesny. When he was finally beaten, it was by Ronaldo, of course. A week or so back, when some in Madrid’s media were prematurely calling time on Ronaldo’s career, his response was to tell them to look at the statistics because they never lie. Ronaldo was booed by a sizable portion of the crowd Tuesday, but in a handful of minutes, between the 64th and 68th, he scored the first goal and set up the other by James Rodríguez. Neither finish was a work of art. Rodríguez’s shot went straight through the legs of the goalkeeper, and Ronaldo’s was tapped in from close range, although it did require him to think and move quickly to reach the low cross by Lucas Vázquez. Vázquez is that rarity, a player actually produced by the Real Madrid youth system. The 24-year-old had to wait a long time for his breakthrough season in Real’s white, and he spent last season at Espanyol, the other club in Barcelona. Vázquez’s role on Tuesday was to come off the bench and replace Gareth Bale — recently returned from injury — once he tired. After linking up with Luka Modric, Vázquez danced past a defender and demonstrated that he had the talent to shine, if his club allowed him to show it. Ronaldo now has 353 goals in 336 games with Madrid, and no one would deny that he is a superstar. Yet, the Madrid fans boo him. The older supporters look beyond the goal totals and want less hubris. They saw it in previous stars like Alfredo Di Stéfano and, later, in Zidane. And Tuesday, the crowd that harangued Ronaldo gave a standing ovation to a man who never played for them. As the game neared its end, Roma sent it its longtime magician, Francesco Totti. Now 39, Totti first wore Roma’s distinctive purple and golden yellow when he was 16. Real once bid for him, but Totti always was a one-team kind of a guy. He can no longer inspire his beloved team to victory, as he once could with instinctive and almost insolent guile. But as he made a cameo during his 595th game for Roma — most likely his last appearance at the Bernabéu — Totti was given the ovation denied to the man who scored the game winner, Ronaldo. Spalletti reiterated after the contest that his team needed, somehow, to toughen up on the mental side of the game, something Totti never had a problem with. But by fielding Totti at the end, he demonstrated that Roma is also woefully short in what Madrid has in abundance: the ability to score goals. And Real, which has no chance to win its league and has only the Champions League left to play for, advanced to the quarterfinals for the sixth year in a row. Winning Real has reason to worry Christopher Clarey IN THE ARENA It is not as if tennis does not know how to march on without Maria Sharapova. She has missed extended periods of play because of major shoulder surgery and other ailments during the past nine years. And before she revealed Monday in Los Angeles that she had tested positive for the recently banned drug meldonium, many in the sports world, including some of her own sponsors, were preparing retrospectives. They were convinced by her hastily called news conference and latest series of injuries that she was about to retire. But there would be no nostalgia Monday, only surprise — shock, really — and a global cocktail of more conflicting reactions that ranged from disillusionment and schadenfreude to sympathy. Sharapova, ever a polarizer of opinion, is set to serve a provisional ban that begins Saturday, and her positive test, which she said she will not contest, is already shaking her successful business model to the core, with key sponsors like Nike and Porsche suspending their relationships. This break from the game for Sharapova will be starkly different in tone from the many breaks that have preceded it. It is possible that she will not play on tour again. She will turn 29 next month and has talked in the past about not competing past 30. Her ban could be as long as four years if she is found to have intentionally ingested a performance-enhancing substance. The more likely outcome, according to legal experts consulted Tuesday, is that she will not be deemed guilty of intentionally trying to cheat, which would mean that she would be subject to a maximum suspension of two years. ‘‘I think that is the most likely outcome from what I heard in the press conference,’’ said Paul Greene, an American sports lawyer and founder of Global Sports Advocates, who has represented athletes, including the American tennis player Robert Kendrick, in arbitration cases involving doping. Sharapova, like some other veteran players, was already looking at 2016, which includes the Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, as a potential endgame. A two-year ban would keep her out of the sport until early 2018, which might be too long to keep the internal flame alight, particularly in view of her recurring injuries. But her legal team intends to argue for a much shorter suspension, and the feeling in the Sharapova camp Tuesday was that a ban of one year or less was achievable. Greene said there was also the possibility of applying retroactively for a therapeutic-use exemption for meldonium, which would be based on Sharapova’s long-term medical usage. If approved, it could absolve her. ‘‘That would be the first thing I would counsel her to do, is to apply for a retroactive T.U.E.,’’ he said. ‘‘It’s a tough standard to meet, a much harder standard than a forward-going T.U.E., but I’ve had a case in the past where that happened, and I’ve gotten retroactive T.U.E.s. that have wiped out adverse analytical findings. It’s not impossible.’’ John Haggerty, Sharapova’s lawyer, was asked about that possibility. ‘‘Maria and I are looking at all our options,’’ he said. He also declined to comment, citing confidentiality, on whether Sharapova had listed meldonium, which is also known as mildronate, on her doping control form when she had given samples in the past. The normal adjudication procedure calls for Sharapova to face a threemember tribunal, whose members are appointed by the International Tennis Federation. Haggerty said no date had been fixed for that hearing or the official meeting that would precede it. Sharapova or the I.T.F. would then have the right to appeal any ruling to the Court of Arbitration for Sport. The two most prominent tennis players in recent years to be suspended for doping violations — Viktor Troicki and Marin Cilic — each had their suspensions reduced in 2013 on appeal to the C.A.S., Troicki from 18 months to 12 months and Cilic from nine months to four months. The Cilic ruling, according to Greene, established a precedent for judging degrees of fault, although future arbitration panels are not bound to that standard. ‘‘There are three degrees of fault: a significant degree of fault, which is 16 to 24 months; a normal degree of fault, which is eight to 16 months; and a light degree of fault, which is zero to eight months,’’ Greene said. Sharapova is not contesting her positive test. She has admitted taking meldonium, a drug developed for heart patients that increases blood flow and was put on the World Anti-Doping Agency’s banned list on Jan. 1. Sharapova has said she was unaware that the drug had been banned, although it had been on WADA’s monitoring list in 2015. She has taken full responsibility for being unaware of that development. Haggerty said the confidentiality requirements of the coming hearing precluded him from identifying the doctor who prescribed the medicine, which is not approved for sale in the United States but is widely available without a prescription in Russia and some other European nations. Haggerty also indicated that it was only one of several drugs Sharapova was prescribed at the time. ‘‘I think there’s a misunderstanding that Maria took mildronate and only mildronate, and that was to address all of her medical conditions,’’ Haggerty said. ‘‘She took mildronate and a number of other medicines.’’ Whatever she took, it has been a nasty start to 2016 for tennis, which began with the sport announcing an independent review of its anticorruption program in the midst of the Australian Open because of reports raising concerns about match fixing, largely in the men’s game. Now one of the biggest stars in women’s tennis is facing questions about her integrity. The answers will determine whether we’ve seen — and heard — the last of her at the highest level. BASEBALL GLENDALE, ARIZ. BY TYLER KEPNER Sometime around Christmas, Chicago White Sox General Manager Rick Hahn called his new catcher, Alex Avila, to ask about a player Hahn was interested in signing. ‘‘Where are you?’’ Hahn asked. ‘‘Oh, I’m with my folks,’’ Avila replied. ‘‘All right,’’ Hahn said, laughing nervously. ‘‘Could you go into another room?’’ Avila’s father, Al, is the general manager of the Detroit Tigers, a rival of the White Sox in the American League Central. From his major league debut in 2009, Avila had played only for the Tigers. Now, his loyalties are elsewhere. ‘‘It’s been a family affair for six years,’’ Al Avila said in Florida last month, with a smile. ‘‘Now they’re going to go to Chicago. You’ve got family wearing Chicago White Sox stuff, which is really making me angry. But what are you going to do?’’ Funny question. In theory, Al Avila could have done something about it. But in his first winter as the Tigers’ general manager — after 13 years as the top assistant to Dave Dombrowski, who was fired last August — Avila let his son leave as a free agent. Limited to 67 games last season because of a knee injury, Avila hit .191 and earned $5.4 million. The rookie catcher James McCann played 114 games and hit .264 — at one-tenth the salary. Avila signed with Chicago for $2.5 million, and McCann is now the Tigers’ starter. To Alex Avila, the logic was obvious. ‘‘If you’re a team that feels like they can get similar production for less money, that’s just smart business,’’ he said. ‘‘That’s how you build a team. Having watched my dad for many years, and my grandfather for many years, I kind of understand how a front office works. So none of that surprised me at all. That’s kind of like the cycle of life.’’ The Avila family is quite familiar with the value of baseball players. Ralph Avila — Alex’s grandfather and Al’s father — signed Ramon and Pedro Martinez, Raul Mondesi and Jose Offerman as a pioneering scout for the Dodgers. Al Avila helped sign Livan Hernandez and Miguel Cabrera as a scouting executive for the Marlins. Given his background, his position on the field and his strong communication skills, Alex Avila would seem to have plenty of options when his playing career ends: scout, executive, manager, broadcaster. But he said he was not close to considering them. At 29, Avila intends to play for a while. Avila won a Silver Slugger Award and started for the American League in the 2011 All-Star Game, hitting .295 with 19 homers for the season. But he sustained a concussion during each of the next three seasons, before last year’s knee trouble. His averages from 2012 to 2015 were .243, .227, .218 and .191. Yet Avila still managed a .339 on-base percentage last season — the major league average was .317 — and said it was easy to maintain his plate discipline. ‘‘It’s something that you learn from being a kid: Swing at strikes,’’ Avila said. ‘‘Anytime I see something out of the hand as a ball, I’m taking it. There’s times when the game situation dictates you go out of the zone, but to be honest with you, it’s just a reaction. I’m hoping I’m still able to get on base, but at the same time get a few more hits this year.’’ Avila said his postconcussion symptoms had never been serious; he has heard stories of vertigo and nausea in others, but he has been lucky. And while the knee injury ruined last season, he has never needed surgery. The White Sox expect him to share the catching role with another veteran, Dioner Navarro, and noticed his skill in guiding Justin Verlander and Max Scherzer to Cy Young Awards with Detroit. ‘‘He’s comfortable with premium stuff, which we feel we have on our staff as well,’’ Hahn said. ‘‘We felt a lot of his issues in recent years were related to physical issues, which seem to be behind him.’’ The White Sox finished 76-86 last season, but their left-handed starters stood out: Chris Sale set a club strikeout record, with 274; Jose Quintana had a 3.36 E.R.A.; and the rookie Carlos Rodon struck out 139 in 1391/3 innings. Shaky defense and the worst offense in the A.L. doomed the team. Now the White Sox have added veterans at four positions besides catcher: Todd Frazier at third base, Brett Lawrie at second, Jimmy Rollins at shortstop and Austin Jackson in center field. The White Sox are trying again to contend, with Sale, Quintana and the slugging first baseman Jose Abreu on reasonable contracts. Last season, the White Sox finished ahead of only one other team in the A.L. Central: the Tigers, who reloaded with pitcher Jordan Zimmermann and outfielder Justin Upton. Alex Avila could have guessed that his father would act aggressively on the market — the Tigers always do — but he did not sound overly impressed. ‘‘The trash talking started between the two of us,’’ he said. ‘‘I made sure the first day I was handing out some White Sox hats to some cousins. It’ll be fun.’’ ANDREW WEBER/REUTERS Alex Avila in 2014, when he played for the Tigers. Avila now catches for the White Sox. After leaving team run by his father, ex-Tigers catcher joins division rival JUAN MEDINA/REUTERS Francesco Totti of Roma was applauded by Real fans in Santiago Bernabéu Stadium. Sharapova faces uncertain future KEVORK DJANSEZIAN/GETTY IMAGES — AFP Maria Sharapova at the news conference where she said she failed a drug test. ‘‘If you’re a team that feels like they can get similar production for less money, that’s just smart business. That’s how you build a team.’’ THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 2016 | 11INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES . . . . basketball n.f.l. sports BASKETBALL BY SETH BERKMAN Jarvis Garrett sprinted onto the court for warm-ups before Rhode Island’s final regular-season game Saturday, and almost immediately, a few bewildered Fordham fans began chuckling. On social media, Fordham followers wrote that Bane, the villain from ‘‘The Dark Knight Rises,’’ had entered the building. Garrett, a sophomore guard for Rhode Island, is used to it. During a game against St. Joseph’s on Jan. 30, Garrett butted heads with an opponent in a violent collision that left him with a fracture of his upper jaw and a rearranged smile. Clutching a dislodged tooth as he rode to the hospital, Garrett feared his season might be over. But a week later, he returned to the court looking more like a comic-book character than a fleetfooted guard. Only his eyes were visible; the rest of his face was — and has been for every game for the past month — shrouded underneath a plastic mask that brought to mind the one worn by Anthony Hopkins’s character in ‘‘The Silence of the Lambs.’’ ‘‘The reaction when I first saw it and I got it, I just thought it was like the movies, like Hannibal Lecter,’’ Garrett said. ‘‘My teammates and my family all make jokes about it.’’ One teammate, Garrett told a reporter upon his return to the court, joked that the mask ‘‘makes me look like I bite people.’’ But as strange as it looked, the mask saved Garrett’s season, and maybe the Rams’ season as well. In the month since the injury, Garrett has stabilized Rhode Island’s backcourt, and he has the Rams (17-14) aiming for a darkhorse run through the Atlantic 10 tournament, which was to open Wednesday at Barclays Center. Seventh-seeded Rhode Island opens play Thursday against 10th-seeded Massachusetts. Rams Coach Dan Hurley has not restricted Garrett since the injury; he has played 31 minutes or more in each of the Rams’ nine games since he returned. In his first game back from injury on Feb. 6, Garrett scored a career-high 26 points in a 79-62 win over La Salle. ‘‘He can’t really talk with it on, and in terms of his peripheral vision, he can’t really see a whole lot of things,’’ Hurley said. ‘‘It’s amazing what that kid has been able to accomplish as a player, leading us through some great wins while being nowhere near himself.’’ In a 3-point loss at Fordham on Saturday, Garrett showed a willingness to penetrate and fearlessly initiate contact with defenders. In fact, since he put on the protective mask, Garrett has averaged 13 points and close to 6 assists a game — both higher than his overall season averages. ‘‘It gave me a lot more confidence,’’ Garrett said. ‘‘I knew once I get back on the court, I was going to be a lot more aggressive.’’ Hurley said: ‘‘I got a lot of text messages after that La Salle game, a lot of Darth Vaders — obviously the easy one is Hannibal Lecter on steroids. I got all those from my buddies in the business. I got some jokes, but more, ‘How is this guy playing at a level he’s playing at with that catcher’s mask face-guard on?’’’ Mike Nunnery, a certified prosthetist and orthotist in North Kingstown, R.I., near Rhode Island’s campus, constructed the mask, which absorbs and transfers force occurring near the mouth throughout the rest of Garrett’s face. ‘‘With the mask, I feel like I don’t have to play as protected as I would without the mask,’’ Garrett said. ‘‘If I get hit in the face, it goes through the mask into like my cheeks. It helps me just play my normal game.’’ Nunnery and his staff made the mask in about 36 hours, using a three-dimensional scanner to record the contours of Garrett’s head to help create a mold. Using the mold and a number of fittings, Nunnery and his staff created the mask mostly by using Surlyn plastic, a substance more flexible than the rigid material normally used for athletic masks. There was only one problem: The attached mouth guard on the first version had space around the nose and lips, causing game officials to worry that an opponent’s fingers might get caught in those gaps. After the La Salle game, Nunnery created a second model that Garrett now wears. ‘‘I think there’s a strange psychological factor that goes with these athletes when they wear the mask,’’ Nunnery said, ‘‘whether it psyches the other team out or there’s extra adrenaline because of the extra protection.’’ Protective masks have become a common accessory throughout sports in recent years. The former Detroit Pistons guard Richard Hamilton became synonymous with the mask that he wore after breaking his nose for a third time during the 2003-4 season. Even after his nose healed, Hamilton retained the mask for much of the remainder of his career. LeBron James, Kobe Bryant and dozens of other basketball players have worn masks after injuries, as have about a dozen members of the English soccer team Chelsea — including four this season alone. Resilience behind a mask RYAN C. JONES FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Jarvis Garrett’s mask was made of Surlyn plastic, making it more flexible than most others. After fracturing his jaw, Rhode Island sophomore puts on a new game face N.F.L. BY BENJAMIN HOFFMAN It was a study in contrasts. Peyton Manning, fresh off a Super Bowl victory that came almost in spite of him, rather than because of him, held a televised news conference to make the retirement announcement everyone knew was coming. A day later, Calvin Johnson, still seemingly in the prime of his career and one of the best receivers in football, issued a simple statement through the Detroit Lions to confirm the surprising news that he was walking away from the game after just nine seasons. ‘‘While I truly respect the significance of this, those who know me best will understand and not be surprised that I choose not to have a press conference for this announcement,’’ his statement said in part. The sports world has been getting a lot of practice in drawn-out goodbyes recently. Kobe Bryant will wrap up his 82-game retirement tour for the Los Angeles Lakers right around the time David Ortiz begins his own 162-game farewell for the Boston Red Sox. Manning did not go that route exactly, but he spent nearly his entire final season with people wondering if he should have retired a year sooner. If there are different genres of sports retirements, Bryant and Ortiz chose the Kareem Abdul-Jabbar method of a big announcement before one last season, withthequalityofthatseasonconsidered almost irrelevant. Johnson went the route of another Lakers big man, Elgin Baylor, who surprised many by quietly walking away on his own terms when he could have stuck around and let his past achievements justify his presence. For Johnson, retirement comes after a season in which he had 88 catches for 1,214 yards and nine touchdowns. It was his sixth consecutive season of 70 or more catches and 1,000 or more yards, and he remained comfortably among the top 10 wide receivers in the game despite having turned 30 in September. But when the news began to leak out last month that Johnson was considering retirement, the initial shock started to wear off and people began to acknowledge that while he was still a highly productive receiver, there had been a slight decline in his statistics, which could support the idea that his body was beginning to break down after years of making difficult catches in traffic. Playing for a team that struggled to maintain anything resembling consistency, Johnson had the lowest yards per reception average of his career while averaging his fewest yards a game since 2010. He had a number of nagging injuries, but he played in all 16 games and was graded as the ninth best wide receiver in the N.F.L. by Pro Football Focus. But some combination of his body wearing down and his team’s inability to compete seems to have robbed him of the desire to keep going. The announcement was met with kind words from a player with whom he has been compared to frequently in the last month. ‘‘He was an amazing and rare talent, both on and off the field, and I feel lucky to have been able to see him play,’’ Barry Sanders, a Hall of Fame running back for the Lions who also retired at 30, wrote on his blog. Like Johnson, Sanders chose to make his surprise retirement a quiet affair. For Sanders, the decision was complicated by the widely held belief that had he stuck around he would have been able to break Walter Payton’s career rushing record and perhaps even amass enough yards that Emmitt Smith would not have been able to overtake him. But after more than 16 years, Sanders has stated that his only regret was never playing in a Super Bowl. The fact that the Lions never came close to achieving that goal in Sanders’s postretirement years could be comforting to him, as opposed to Baylor, who retired partway through the 1971-72 season as perhaps the best N.B.A. player to never win a championship only to see his team immediately reel off a 33-game winning streak and then win the N.B.A. finals without him. The thought that the Lions could come together and win an N.F.L. championship in the next few seasons is farfetched. In the end, that may be why Johnson, who had nothing left to prove individually, chose to walk away with his body still somewhat intact instead of dragging things out. Quiet and classy receiver retires the way he played For Johnson, retirement comes after a season in which he had 88 catches for 1,214 yards and nine touchdowns. SPORTS Roundup SOCCER French authorities helping Swiss in Blatter investigation Switzerland’s Office of the Attorney General announced on Wednesday that it had enlisted the help of the French authorities in its continuing investigation of Sepp Blatter, the former president of FIFA, world soccer’s ruling body. This week, the French police searched the headquarters of the French soccer association in Paris at the request of the Swiss authorities. The search was tied to a payment of roughly $2 million that Mr. Blatter made to Michel Platini, the head of European soccer’s governing body, in 2011 for work done years earlier. That payment, considered suspicious by the authorities, is central to Switzerland’s current inquiry into Mr. Blatter. From 1998 to 2002, Mr. Platini was a FIFA employee working from Paris, in offices leased from the French soccer association. On Tuesday, the French police seized documents from those offices, the Swiss authorities said. Lawyers for Mr. Blatter declined to comment Wednesday. Premier League caps away tickets Fans of away teams at Premier League matches will pay no more than 30 pounds, about $43, for tickets for the next three seasons. Teams made the decision at a meeting in London on Wednesday. Fan groups had complained about ticket prices after the league made television deals worth more than £8.3 billion. (AP) ATHLETICS Pound says he doesn’t know if Russia will be reinstated The man who headed the investigation that led to Russia’s suspension from global track and field competition says he sees little evidence that the country is doing enough win reinstatement in time for the Olympics in Rio de Janeiro. Dick Pound, a former World AntiDoping Agency president, told The Associated Press that Russia has been ‘‘dithering and procrastinating’’ in reforming its drug-testing system and ‘‘time is really shrinking’’ for its athletes to have any chance of being cleared for the Olympics in August. The IAAF suspended the Russian track federation in November. ‘‘I can’t tell for sure whether they are taking this really seriously or they assume the problem will go away,’’ Pound said. NON SEQUITUR PEANUTS DOONESBURY CLASSIC 1986 GARFIELD CALVIN AND HOBBES WIZARD of ID DILBERT Across 1111111111111111 Not much 5555555555555555 French writer who co-founded the newspaper Combat 10 Adriatic port 14 Pronoun in “America the Beautiful” 15 It covers the globe 16 Had too much ecstasy, for short? 17 Former C.I.A. director Panetta 18 Donizetti’s lady of Lammermoor 19 Rolls for dogs 20 Old jalopy 22 Spanish uncle 24 Pasture 25 Mounts 26 Proficient, computerwise 28 Pro vote 29 Jai ___ 31 Overplays one’s role 32 In: Fr................ 34 Former British P.M. Douglas-Home 36 Old Olds 37 Subject of medical research since the 1980s 40 Big cat in Narnia 43 It’s inclined to provide entertainment for kids 44 It holds 5,148 potential flushes 48 “Will it play in ___?” 50 Exchange at the altar 52 Hawaiian bowlful 53 Gunning 55 Attack 57 Former communications corp. 58 Where Dodge City is: Abbr. 59 Mufti 60 Answer to the old riddle “What’s round on the ends and high in the middle?” 62 “Taking you places” network 64 1999 Ron Howard satire 66 Foxx of “Sanford and Son” 67 Emphatic follower of yes or no 68 Evolved 69 ___ fixe 70 “O.K., you caught me” 71 “Antenna” Down 1111111111111111 N.B.A. div. 2222222222222222 John Donne poem with a line starting “It suck’d me first …” 3333333333333333 Wind-blown 4444444444444444 Blue material 5555555555555555 One side of a diner? 6666666666666666 Shade of bleu 7777777777777777 Soft shoe, for short 8888888888888888 Marxist exhortation to “workers of the world” 9999999999999999 Polar bear habitat 10 Head motion 11 Put on a pedestal 12 Longtime subscriber, maybe 13 “Sounds right” 21 Ring master’s org. 23 “Jeez!” 25 Dancer Charisse 26 Item often kept with cuff links 27 Did a cobbler’s job on 30 “Ah, well” 33 Lewis who voiced Lamb Chop 35 Sent a dupe email to 38 How contracts are signed 39 Put on a pedestal 40 Based on deduction rather than experience 41 Smoldered with rage 42 When a sandbar may appear above the waterline 45 F.D.A.-banned weightloss supplement 46 The drink’s on me 47 Young fox 49 Andre who wrote “Open: An Autobiography” 51 Perform some millwork 54 Up to 56 Wait-’em-out strategy 59 Saskatchewan native 61 Shelley’s “To a Skylark,” for one 63 Jackie O’s man 65 Bugs, e.g. … or a hint to this puzzle’s theme Solution to March 9 puzzle PUZZLE BY ED SESSA THE NEW YORK TIMES 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 S L E D O W E S P U N A E S O P R A Y B O I S E N A T U R E P R E S E R V E S T H E R I C H T I R E O U T A Y E S H A P E L Y T P S M O O N J E L L Y A L V I N E S T L O U P E B O O K E N D H A I R P I N B O L E R O P U E B L O E P T S L O W J A M R A T S H E L A T E I T C A S E S O F E W T I M B R I T S L A D Y M A R M A L A D E E C O L A W I R A T E R S E N E C A E M B E D S CROSSWORD |||||||||||||||| Edited by Will Shortz CreatedbyPeterRitmeester/PresentedbyWillShortz SUDOKU No. 1003 Fill the grid so that every row, column 3x3 box and shaded 3x3 box contains each of the numbers 1 to 9 exactly once. (c)PZZL.comDistributedbyTheNewYorkTimessyndicate Solution No. 0903 3 8 4 7 2 1 6 9 5 7 1 9 8 5 6 4 2 3 6 2 5 3 4 9 7 8 1 2 7 6 4 9 5 1 3 8 4 9 1 6 8 3 2 5 7 8 5 3 1 7 2 9 6 4 5 4 8 2 6 7 3 1 9 1 6 7 9 3 8 5 4 2 9 3 2 5 1 4 8 7 6 1 9 8 2 7 6 9 4 1 2 2 8 6 4 1 7 3 8 6 9 2 BRIDGE | Frank Stewart ‘‘Come over for dinner?’’ Unlucky Louie asked me as the afternoon game ended. ‘‘Has your wife’s cooking improved?’’ I asked cautiously. ‘‘She’s a great cook,’’ Louie protested. ‘‘When she’s in the kitchen, even the smoke alarm cheers her on.’’ Louie could use an alarm at the bridge table — to warn him against hasty play. Against his four hearts, West led the king of diamonds, and Louie surveyed dummy for all of two seconds and played the six, unblocking his jack. Two Spades Dummy’s ten won the next diamond, but when the ace came next, East ruffed. Louie overruffed and drew trumps but couldn’t get to dummy. He took the A-K of clubs and led the jack, but when West won and led another diamond, Louie lost two spades. Down one. Louie’s play was alarming; he succeeds with an end play. He wins the first diamond with the ace, draws trumps and leads the jack of diamonds to West’s queen. Whether West leads a spade, a club from his queen or a diamond, Louie gets his 10th trick. Daily Question: You hold: ä 10 9 6 5 2, × 7 3, µ A 10 6, å 10 5 4. Dealer, at your left, opens one club. Your partner doubles, you bid one spade and he raises to three spades. The opponents pass. What do you say? Answer: Consider how much worse your hand might have been. You could have held ä 9 6 5 2, × 7 3, µ 9 8 6, å 10 5 4 2, yet partner was willing to undertake a nine-trick contract. Since you have a five-card suit and an ace, bid four spades. If he has his bid, 10 tricks should be easy. Tribune Content Agency South Dealer Both sides vulnerable North ä 10 9 6 5 2 × 7 3 µ A 10 6 å 10 5 4 West ä Q 8 × 9 2 µ K Q 9 8 5 2 å Q 7 6 East ä A J 7 3 × 10 8 4 µ 7 4 å 9 8 3 2 South ä K 4 × A K Q J 6 5 µ J 3 å A K J South West North East 2å Pass 2µ Pass 2× Pass 2ä Pass 3× Pass 4× AllPass Opening lead - µ K
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